Itemoids

America

Why Do We Sleep?

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › newsletters › archive › 2023 › 01 › why-do-we-sleep › 672803

This is an edition of The Wonder Reader, a newsletter in which our editors recommend a set of stories to spark your curiosity and fill you with delight. Sign up here to get it every Saturday morning.

Why do living things sleep? “Ask researchers this question, and listen as, like clockwork, a sense of awe and frustration creeps into their voices,” Veronique Greenwood wrote in 2018.

“In a way, it’s startling how universal sleep is,” she continued. “In the midst of the hurried scramble for survival, across eons of bloodshed and death and flight, uncountable millions of living things have laid themselves down for a nice, long bout of unconsciousness. This hardly seems conducive to living to fight another day … That such a risky habit is so common, and so persistent, suggests that whatever is happening is of the utmost importance.”

In other words, Greenwood writes, “whatever sleep gives to the sleeper is worth tempting death over and over again, for a lifetime.” Whatever sleep gives us is also worth the many hours, and large amounts of money, that humans now spend figuring out how to maximize our slumber. Sixty percent of America’s adults report experiencing sleep problems every night or most nights, Amanda Mull noted in 2019, and a variety of industries have sprung up to help us sleep longer and better.

Sleep is a need, but it’s also a ritual: Where we sleep, when we sleep, and who we sleep next to say a lot about who we are and what we want. Today’s reading list explores sleep as a scientific mystery, a physical need, and the most consistent routine of our daily lives.

On Sleep

Hulton Archive / Getty

Can Medieval Sleeping Habits Fix America’s Insomnia?

By Derek Thompson

“My 3-a.m. awakenings aren’t an unnatural disorder but an ancestral echo.”

The Atlantic

Why Everyone Should Sleep Alone

By Malika Rao

On the virtues of splitting up for the night

Keystone View / FPG / Getty

I Found the Key to the Kingdom of Sleep

By Amanda Mull

It’s my foot.

Still Curious?

The lie we tell ourselves about going to bed early: Revenge bedtime procrastination seems illogical, but many of us still do it, Arthur Brooks writes. A physician’s guide to sleep in a stressful age: In 2017, James Hamblin weighed in on how much sleep we need, whether melatonin works, and other common sleep questions.

Other Diversions

You don’t know how bad the pizza box is. People’s choice: wildlife photographer of the year 2022 The truth about dentistry (From 2019)

P.S.

I’ll leave you with one sleep fact from the animal kingdom that only adds to the mystery: Golden hamsters “have been observed waking up from bouts of hibernation—in order to nap,” Greenwood reports. “Whatever they’re getting from sleep, it’s not available to them while they’re hibernating.” But what is it? Scientists still don’t know.

— Isabel

A Grim New Low for Internet Sleuthing

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › culture › archive › 2023 › 01 › idaho-murders-true-crime-theories-reddit-facebook › 672797

On November 13, 2022, four students from the University of Idaho—Ethan Chapin, Kaylee Goncalves, Xana Kernodle, and Madison Mogen—were found dead in the house that the latter three rented near campus. Each had been stabbed, seemingly in bed. Two other students lived in the house, and were apparently in their rooms that night; they were unharmed.

From the public’s standpoint, the case had few leads at first: an unknown assailant, an unknown motive. Law-enforcement officials in the college town of Moscow, Idaho, initially offered the public little information about the evidence they were gathering in their investigation. Into that void came a frenzy of public speculation—and, soon enough, public accusation. The familiar alchemy set in: The real crime, as the weeks dragged on, became a “true crime”; the murders, as people discussed them and analyzed them and competed to solve them, became a grim form of interactive entertainment.

Baseless rumors spread online, as people with no connection to the slain students tried to make sense of a senseless crime. They blamed not only an assailant, or several of them, but also drugs, vengeance, bullying, more. They dove deep into the students’ TikToks and Instagram feeds, looking for clues. They scripted the students’ lives, and their deaths. As the weeks passed, their numbers grew. A Facebook group dedicated to discussing—and speculating about—the murders currently has more than 230,000 members. Subreddits dedicated to the same have more than 100,000 members each. Their posts range from the minutely forensic—analyses of autopsy reports and the knife allegedly used in the killings—to the broadly theoretical. (One post, riffing on a blind item from DeuxMoi, wondered aloud whether Kim Kardashian will get involved in the case.)

Many of the members who offered their theories—and who continue to offer them—likely mean well. Amateur sleuths helped reveal the identities of some of the Golden State serial killer’s victims; the mother of Gabby Petito, who was killed in 2021, has praised the many people who, scouring social media for clues, played a crucial role in solving her daughter’s murder. But the search for crowdsourced justice, in the Idaho murders, tended to thwart justice itself. It complicated the on-the-ground investigation, and, as groundless accusations flew, it created more victims. With remarkable ease, some people’s pain became other people’s puzzle.

[Read: The Amber Heard–Johnny Depp trial is not a joke]

Theories about the murders read, sometimes, as fan fiction. On TikTok and Facebook and YouTube, people pointed fingers, based on strong hunches and seemingly no evidence—accusations that were then amplified by others. Soon enough, the fantastical theories crept into real people’s lives. Posters turned on the two housemates who had been unharmed. (They “must know more than they are letting on,” one video caption put it.) They turned their gaze toward the owner of a food truck that two of the students had stopped at before going home on the night of the killings. (“Possible stalker??” one sleuth wondered.) Law-enforcement officers, investigating the real crime as the “true” one played out online, eliminated both the housemates and the truck owner, among others, as suspects. The Moscow Police Department’s website now has a “Rumor Control” section, a remarkable modification of its FAQ section that tries to combat some of the swirling misinformation. Among the questions the section answers are “Who is NOT believed to be involved?,” “What resources are being used to investigate this murder?,” and “Are reports of skinned dogs related to this murder?” (They are not.)

“Everyone wants something crazier out of this. It has to get crazier,” one of the sleuths who provided information about Gabby Petito’s case says in a documentary that premiered months after her murder. The key word in the woman’s comment is not crazier; it’s wants. The amateur detectives in the Petito case may certainly have been motivated by generosity and outrage and a drive for justice. But they were also gaining from their participation in it: followers, likes, the fickle currencies of the content economy.

The speculation about the Idaho murders took on a similar frenzy. To read through all the theories—or to scroll, or to watch—is to sense appropriation at play: People were not merely trying to solve the case, but trying to claim the tragedy for themselves. (“Please stop turning these poor kids into your identity,” a recent Reddit post pleaded. It was upvoted more than 2,200 times.) The baseless—at times fanciful—speculation continued despite investigators’ repeated attempts to quell it. The rumors were adding chaos to their investigation, they said. They were bringing more trauma to people in mourning.

In their attempts to fact-check innuendo, official investigators have faced that most powerful of foes: the trending topic. The murders—having very particular types of victims, and especially horrifying circumstances—quickly became matters of national interest. That made them, also, matters of incentive for content creators. On YouTube, Vanity Fair’s Delia Cai pointed out, the top news clips that address the murders have more than 1 million views each. On TikTok, videos claiming a connection to the murders—#idahocase, #idahocaseupdate, #idahokiller—now have, in total, more than 400 million views. These true-crime takes on the real crime have no obligation to fairness or evidence. Content, in the eyeball economy, is tautological. When attention is its own reward, the tantalizing take is more valuable than the true one. This is the dull tragedy underlying the acute one: The murders did numbers.

As strangers wrote themselves into the story—competing, as one expert put it, “to make a connection or uncover a secret, often for the likes, shares, clicks and attention”—they created more grief. Some of the victims’ friends and classmates, as they mourned, began receiving death threats. People posted the names and pictures of those who knew the victims, accusing them of vague connections to the crime. (The posters typically kept themselves anonymous.) A YouTuber analyzed the “red flags” allegedly represented by Kaylee Goncalves’s ex-boyfriend—resulting in, his aunt told the New York Post, a compounded trauma: mourning the loss of the woman he’d dated for five years, and reckoning with the fact that “half of America” assumed him to be a murderer. He has been ruled out as a suspect by law-enforcement officers. But the speculation will remain—spun by posters armed with hunches, and made permanent in the archives.

And so, in the name of finding justice, many lost their humanity. They treated real people as characters in a procedural that aired not on their TVs, but on their phones and computers—CSI or Law & Order, playing out in real time. And they treated the characters, in turn, as texts to be read and analyzed and vilified. People eager to make big finds scoured the obituaries of other University of Idaho students who had died in recent years, attempting to connect their deaths to the murders. The father of one of those students asked them to stop trying to link his own child’s death to these other dead kids.

But the sleuths kept going—even when, on December 30, police arrested Bryan Kohberger, a 28-year-old doctoral student at Washington State, just down the road from Moscow. Kohberger had been studying criminology. Charged with four counts of murder and one count of burglary, he is currently being held in Idaho without bail. His counsel has said that he is “eager to be exonerated.” Investigators have cited cellphone data, surveillance footage, and DNA samples among the evidence that they will use, they say, to connect him to the crime. Earlier this week, authorities prosecuting the case released a 49-page document detailing the facts gathered over weeks of investigation. Some of the information resembles the internet’s theories. Much of it does not.

The crime procedural is a uniquely formulaic genre. One of its essential elements is the cathartic conclusion: the big reveal, the shocking twist. This story will very likely have no such payoff for the audience. Kohberger will be prosecuted, and may or may not be found guilty. Prosecutors will rely on evidence, detailed and dull, to make their case. Meanwhile, the speculation will continue—despite the arrest, and despite the harm done to people who, authorities have said, have no connection to the case. Shortly after the murders, the TikToker Ashley Guillard claimed to have solved the case. The killings were ordered, she announced, by a history professor at the University of Idaho. (In fact, by the chair of its history department.) Guillard shared a picture of the professor in videos that have been viewed more than 2 million times. Guillard says she gleaned her conclusion from a deck of tarot cards, and has held firm to her presumption of the professor’s guilt, though the official investigation has ruled her out as a suspect. But Guillard has been defiant in the face of the facts. She will keep on, she told The Washington Post—even now that the professor has brought a defamation suit against her, citing harm to her reputation and fears for her safety. “I’m going to keep posting,” Guillard said. “I’m not taking anything down.”

Roe Was Never Roe After All

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › ideas › archive › 2023 › 01 › roe-50-anniversary-abortion-casey › 672794

Tomorrow will mark 50 years since Roe v. Wade was decided, but the landmark ruling did not make it to its semicentennial, having been overturned by Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization last summer. Many people viewed this as the end of abortion rights in America. But that’s not what it was. Both practically and theoretically, Roe was never the guarantor of those rights that people believed it to be.

The “Roe” that has occupied the center of the abortion debate for decades bears only a passing resemblance to anything the Supreme Court said in 1973. Roe has become much more than a legal text; it’s a cultural symbol created not only by judges but by voters, politicians, and grassroots movements. And the history of America’s fixation on Roe is a story not just about the power of the Supreme Court, but about how the Court alone does not—and should not—dictate what the Constitution says.

[Mary Ziegler: If the Supreme Court can reverse Roe, it can reverse anything]

In 1973, a Supreme Court stacked with Republican nominees handed down a 7–2 decision holding that the constitutional right to privacy was broad enough to protect an abortion choice made by a “woman and her responsible physician.” The text of Roe would be deeply foreign to almost anyone who reads it today. Justice Harry Blackmun’s majority opinion spoke mostly about the prerogatives of doctors, not women, and breezily dismissed the idea that “one has an unlimited right to do with one’s body as one pleases.” Ultimately, the Court’s ruling did not so much embrace a sweeping notion of women’s rights as it made regulating abortion harder, at least during the first trimester.

From the beginning, many people celebrated Roe as a feminist triumph, especially for women of color, who generally suffered most when abortion was a crime. But life under Roe was in some ways disappointing for those who believed in abortion rights—or, in many cases, for those who sought an abortion. In 1976, Congress passed the Hyde Amendment, which banned Medicaid reimbursement for abortion, and in 1980, the Supreme Court upheld it. Already, less than a decade after the Court’s decision, the right to choose abortion was functionally out of reach for some of the nation’s poorest women.

The gap between the fantasy and the reality of Roe grew wider after 1992, when the Supreme Court functionally overruled key parts of its 1973 decision and made a new precedent, Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, the law of the land. Under Casey, states could regulate abortion as long as a law did not have the purpose or effect of creating a substantial obstacle for those seeking abortion—a standard that seemed relatively easy to satisfy (the Court struck down only one of the many restrictions before it in Casey). After Casey, states passed an ever-growing number of restrictions, some of which the Court upheld. And yet even after the Court had wiped part of Roe away, Americans kept believing that Roe ruled everything, and they kept arguing over it—promising to undo its legacy or codify it.

Grassroots movements developed new ideas about what Roe ought to stand for. The leader of one reproductive-justice group formed by women of color argued that Roe had “never fully protected Black women—or poor women.” Anti-abortion activists made Roe a symbol of “judicial activism” and jump-started conversations about the legitimacy of the federal courts. Roe may have been on the books, but it never settled debates about abortion—or even its own meaning—in any significant way.

[Jerusalem Demsas: The fate of states’ rights after Roe]

The Dobbs decision echoed common anti-abortion-rights talking points about Roe being an undemocratic decision, and even repeated the argument that Roe resembled Plessy v. Ferguson, the notorious case that upheld racial segregation. In the Court’s opinion, Justice Samuel Alito also seemed interested in ending constitutional conversations about abortion once and for all, rejecting not only the arguments raised in Roe and Casey but also a rationale for abortion rights based on sex equality that was neither briefed by the petitioner or respondent nor a part of either Roe or Casey.

Since Dobbs came down, constitutional conflicts about abortion have only multiplied. Abortion-rights supporters have pursued what reporters call “mini Roes” in state supreme courts, asking for the recognition of state constitutional rights. Six ballot initiatives have put the question directly to voters, and many more will likely follow. State lawmakers will have their say on what reproductive rights ought to mean—and whether it’s constitutional to apply one state’s laws to what happens in another, or to criminalize information about abortion. Maybe (though it’s unlikely) Congress will pass a federal bill recognizing either an abortion right or fetal protections. All of these efforts make explicit something that had been clear to anyone looking closely enough while Roe was good law: Americans’ rights don’t come just from the Supreme Court. Even when the Court intervenes, it often—as in Dobbs—responds to political pressures and decades of fighting between grassroots groups and political parties. And sometimes our rights have nothing to do with the federal courts—they are also the result of state or federal legislation, state constitutional rulings, and ballot-initiative decisions passed by ordinary voters.  

Roe’s legacy is complex, and its aftereffects—on partisan politics, on fights about the separation of powers, and on battles about gender—will be felt for years to come. Those who support abortion rights may experience this anniversary as a loss. But they should look to history for the lesson Samuel Alito, the author of Dobbs, will soon learn—the lesson that Harry Blackmun had to learn years ago: The Court does not get the final word, even on the meaning of its own most important decisions.

*Lead image: Illustration by Joanne Imperio. Sources: Bettmann / Getty; Bill Peters / Getty; Cheriss May / Getty; Erin Schaff-Pool / Getty; Ferrell, Scott J. / Library of Congress; Keystone / Getty; Kyle Rivas / Getty; Mark Reinstein / Getty; Ron Sachs / Getty; Yvonne Hemsey / Getty

Have you dated someone with wildly different political views? How did it work out?

CNN

www.cnn.com › 2023 › 01 › 20 › us › dating-politics-voicemails › index.html

This story seems to be about:

Politics have infiltrated nearly every aspect of our lives, including dating. CNN wants to hear how your romantic life is affected by political divisions in America. Are you successfully navigating or struggling in a relationship where your politics don't match? Whether it's red, blue or purple, do you think the political makeup of your community affects your ability to find a partner? How do you handle politics when you first meet someone?