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Why You Fell for the Fake Pope Coat

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › technology › archive › 2023 › 03 › fake-ai-generated-puffer-coat-pope-photo › 673543

Being alive and on the internet in 2023 suddenly means seeing hyperrealistic images of famous people doing weird, funny, shocking, and possibly disturbing things that never actually happened. In just the past week, the AI art tool Midjourney rendered two separate convincing, photographlike images of celebrities that both went viral. Last week, it imagined Donald Trump’s arrest and eventual escape from jail. Over the weekend, Pope Francis got his turn in Midjourney’s maw when an AI-generated image of the pontiff wearing a stylish white puffy jacket blew up on Reddit and Twitter.

But the fake Trump arrest and the pope’s Balenciaga renderings have one meaningful difference: While most people were quick to disbelieve the images of Trump, the pope’s puffer duped even the most discerning internet dwellers. This distinction clarifies how synthetic media—already treated as a fake-news bogeyman by some—will and won’t shape our perceptions of reality.

Pope Francis’s rad parka fooled savvy viewers because it depicted what would have been a low-stakes news event—the type of tabloid-y non-news story that, were it real, would ultimately get aggregated by popular social-media accounts, then by gossipy news outlets, before maybe going viral. It’s a little nugget of internet ephemera, like those photos that used to circulate of Vladimir Putin shirtless.

As such, the image doesn’t demand strict scrutiny. When I saw the image in my feed, I didn’t look too hard at it; I assumed either that it was real and a funny example of a celebrity wearing something unexpected, or that it was fake and part of an online in-joke I wasn’t privy to. My instinct was certainly not to comb the photo for flaws typical of AI tools (I didn’t notice the pope’s glitchy hands, for example). I’ve talked with a number of people who had a similar response. They were momentarily duped by the image but described their experience of the fakery in a more ambient sense—they were scrolling; saw the image and thought, Oh, wow, look at the pope; and then moved along with their day. The Trump-arrest images, in contrast, depicted an anticipated news event that, had it actually happened, would have had serious political and cultural repercussions. One does not simply keep scrolling along after watching the former president get tackled to the ground.

So the two sets of images are a good illustration of the way that many people assess whether information is true or false. All of us use different heuristics to try to suss out truth. When we receive new information about something we have existing knowledge of, we simply draw on facts that we’ve previously learned. But when we’re unsure, we rely on less concrete heuristics like plausibility (would this happen?) or style (does something feel, look, or read authentically?). In the case of the Trump arrest, both the style and plausibility heuristics were off.

[Read: People aren’t falling for AI Trump photos (yet)]

“If Trump has been publicly arrested, I’m asking myself, Why am I seeing this image but Twitter’s trending topics, tweets, and the national newspapers and networks are not reflecting that?” Mike Caulfield, a researcher at the University of Washington’s Center for an Informed Public, told me. “But for the pope your only available heuristic is Would the pope wear a cool coat? Since almost all of us don’t have any expertise there, we fall back on the style heuristic, and the answer we come up with is: maybe.”

As I wrote last week, so-called hallucinated images depicting big events that never took place work differently than conspiracy theories, which are elaborate, sometimes vague, and frequently hard to disprove. Caulfield, who researches misinformation campaigns around elections, told me that the most effective attempts to mislead come from actors who take solid reporting from traditional news outlets and then misframe it.

Say you’re trying to gin up outrage around a local election. A good way to do this would be to take a reported news story about voter outreach and incorrectly infer malicious intent about a detail in the article. A throwaway sentence about a campaign sending election mailers to noncitizens can become a viral conspiracy theory if a propagandist suggests that those mailers were actually ballots. Alleging voter fraud, the conspiracists can then build out a whole universe of mistruths. They might look into the donation records and political contributions of the secretary of state and dream up imaginary links to George Soros or other political activists, creating intrigue and innuendo where there’s actually no evidence of wrongdoing. “All of this creates a feeling of a dense reality, and it’s all possible because there is some grain of reality at the center of it,” Caulfield said.

For synthetic media to deceive people in high-stakes news environments, the images or video in question will have to cast doubt on, or misframe, accurate reporting on real news events. Inventing scenarios out of whole cloth lightens the burden of proof to the point that even casual scrollers can very easily find the truth. But that doesn’t mean that AI-generated fakes are harmless. Caulfield described in a tweet how large language models, or LLMs—the technology behind Midjourney and similar programs—are masters at manipulating style, which people have a tendency to link to authority, authenticity, and expertise. “The internet really peeled apart facts and knowledge, LLMs might do similar with style,” he wrote.

Style, he argues, has never been the most important heuristic to help people evaluate information, but it’s still quite influential. We use writing and speaking styles to evaluate the trustworthiness of emails, articles, speeches, and lectures. We use visual style in evaluating authenticity as well—think about company logos or online images of products for sale. It’s not hard to imagine that flooding the internet with low-cost information mimicking an authentic style might scramble our brains, similar to how the internet’s democratization of publishing made the process of simple fact-finding more complex. As Caulfield notes, “The more mundane the thing, the greater the risk.”

Because we’re in the infancy of a generative-AI age, it’s too premature to suggest that we’re tumbling headfirst into the depths of a post-truth hellscape. But consider these tools through Caulfield’s lens: Successive technologies, from the early internet, to social media, to artificial intelligence, have each targeted different information-processing heuristics and cheapened them in succession. The cumulative effect conjures an eerie image of technologies like a roiling sea, slowly chipping away at the necessary tools we have for making sense of the world and remaining resilient. A slow erosion of some of what makes us human.

Ex-Trump official reacts to his Waco rally remarks: Intent was 'extremely clear'

CNN

www.cnn.com › videos › politics › 2023 › 03 › 28 › trump-waco-texas-rally-remarks-indictment-farah-griffin-sot-ac360-vpx.cnn

CNN political commentator and former Trump White House official Alyssa Farah Griffin reacts to the former president's remarks about a possible indictment at a rally in Waco, Texas, saying his intention to incite violence, similar to the January 6th insurrection, is "extremely clear."

Trump Sings a Song of Sedition

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › newsletters › archive › 2023 › 03 › trump-sings-a-song-of-sedition › 673535

This is an edition of The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here.

At his rally in Waco this weekend, Donald Trump stood at attention as a choir of jailed January 6 rioters sang an anthem of sedition, and media outlets barely blinked.

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Almost 30 years after a cult leader caused a disaster in Waco, Trump rallied his own political cult—and the location cannot be a coincidence—in that same Texas city. The Waco tent revival featured the usual Trumpian cast of grifters, carnies, and misfits, including the fan favorites Mike Lindell and Ted Nugent. Most of the former president’s speech was, of course, about himself and his many grievances, and the crowd reportedly began to thin out somewhat early.

And yet, in Waco—the first rally of Trump’s 2024 campaign—Trump proved he is still capable of doing shocking things that once would have been unthinkable. As the Associated Press reported:

With a hand over his heart, Trump stood at attention when his rally opened with a song called “Justice for All” performed by a choir of people imprisoned for their roles in the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol. Some footage from the insurrection was shown on big screens displayed at the rally site as the choir sang the national anthem and a recording played of Trump reciting the Pledge of Allegiance.

In other words: A former president, a man once entrusted with the Constitution’s Article II powers as our chief magistrate and the commander in chief of the most powerful military in the world, an elected official who held our survival in his hands with the codes to our nuclear arsenal, considered it an honor to be serenaded by a group of violent insurrectionists who are sitting in jail for offenses against the government and people of the United States.

Trump’s voice was not only featured on this song; he actually volunteered to provide a recording for it. I know that many people, after years of this mad-king routine, simply do not want to process anything with the words Donald Trump in it. I don’t blame you. But let’s not look away: In Waco, Trump embraced a creepy mash-up of the national anthem, “USA” chants, and his own voice, and then proceeded for some 90 minutes to make clear that he is now irrevocably all in with the seditionists, the conspiracy theorists, the “Trump or death” fanatics, the Vladimir Putin fanboys—the whole appalling lot of them.

And yet, a day later, the story of Trump standing at attention for the January 6 choir has begun to fade from coverage. How, you might wonder, is this not still on every news site, every broadcast? To be fair, the AP called it “an extraordinary display.” The New York Times called the playing of the song “a new twist.” Perhaps ironically, one of the most candid reactions came from Fox’s Brian Kilmeade, who called Trump’s use of January 6 footage at the rally “insane.” Many media outlets used a picture of Trump with his hand over his heart, as I have done here. None of that is enough.

A thought experiment might help. Imagine if, say, Barack Obama held a rally and stood at attention as a group of anti-constitutional rioters—perhaps people who had called for attacking police officers and lynching top officials of the United States—used his voice as a motif while singing from prison to honor him. You know exactly what would happen: That one moment would dominate the news cycle until the last star in the galaxy burned out. It would define Obama for the rest of his life. (If you doubt this, remember that Obama was caught on a hot mic telling then–Russian President Dmitry Medvedev that he’d have more flexibility to negotiate after the 2012 election—a completely ordinary if somewhat unwise thing to say—and we had to hear about it for years.)

But we are worn out on Trump. We’ve simply packed all of his behavior into a barrel, labeled it as generic toxic waste, and pushed it to the side, hoping that someone will take it away and bury it far from civilization.

There’s another reason, however, we’re not ringing more alarm bells. Too many people are afraid of “amplifying” Trump, including media members who still insist on treating a violent insurrectionist movement as if it’s a normal political party. I have consistently argued for amplifying every traitorous and unhinged thing Trump says, but others have their doubts: Jay Rosen, a journalism professor at NYU, cited the disinformation expert Whitney Phillips to caution me that “sunlight disinfects,” but “it can also make things grow.”

I think this was a more pressing concern in 2016, when Trump was the beneficiary of the so-called “earned media” that can result from outrageous statements and stunts. I still think focusing on Trump and holding him accountable for his statements was the right thing to do, but I agree that too often during the 2016 campaign, he got away with being ridiculous, because he was not taken seriously enough as a threat to democracy.

In 2023, however, Trump is no longer a novelty. The man is a former president and a top candidate for his old job. Merely fact-checking him or tut-tutting about his “extraordinary” behavior would, I agree, “normalize” him, so let’s not do that. Instead, both journalists and ordinary citizens should ensure that everyone knows exactly what Trump is doing and saying, in all of its fetid and vile detail.

Moments like the Waco rally should be all over the news, for three reasons.

First, Trump fatigue is real, but the personality cult around Trump avoids it by cherry-picking what Trump says and does. Putting Trump on blast isn’t going to convert new people; if anything, we learned from Trump’s COVID press conferences as president that he does a lot of damage to himself by talking too much. People in his own party tried to get him to stop doing those bizarre performances, and he finally listened to them.

Second, Trump and his minions, especially elected Republicans, are experts at pretending that things didn’t happen the way we saw them. Ask a GOP official about Trump’s offensive statements, and you’ll likely get “I didn’t see that,” “I don’t read his tweets,” “I’ll have to check into that,” and other squirts of verbal helium. Media and citizens alike should hold those elected representatives and other officeholders to account. Ask them point-blank if they support what Trump said and if they will support him as the nominee of their party.

Third, we need to confront the reality that Trump is now on track to win the nomination yet again. In 2016 and 2020, I thought we were facing the most important elections in modern American history, but that was before Trump incited an insurrection and invited every violent kook in the nation to ride to his defense. Fine, I stand corrected: 2024 is epochally important. Trump has left no doubt that he is a violent authoritarian who intends to reject any election that does not restore him to power, that he will pardon scores of criminals, and that he will never willingly leave office. This should be said every day, in every medium.

If we are to walk ourselves back into an authoritarian nightmare, let’s at least do it without any pretenses.

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Evening Read Jon Brenneis / Getty

Sick All the Time

By Elizabeth Bruenig

Winter is over, and what a wretched one it was. There came a point in the season when everyone in our house was sick. I stood at the top of the stairs one cold morning, gazing down blearily at the pile of mail and magazines that had accumulated by the door, knowing there were dishes dumped in the sink to match and laundry heaped in the hampers as well. I thought of Henry Knighton, a medieval cleric who witnessed the Black Death’s scouring of Europe. I once read his firsthand account of the sheep and cattle that went wandering over fields where the harvest had rotted on the vine, crops and livestock returning to wilderness amid the great diminishing of human life. I now reigned over my own plagued realm, having lost this latest confrontation with nature.

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Read. Hua Hsu’s memoir, Stay True.

“I knew exactly what was going to happen (it’s written on the book jacket) and still felt totally unprepared for the emotional force of it,” our senior editor Amy Weiss-Meyer says.

Watch. The Season 4 premiere of Succession.

The episode, which aired last night on HBO, offered familiar beats but also a hint of a new direction. (And keep reading this newsletter for another reason to watch!)

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P.S.

The final season of HBO’s hit series Succession got underway last night. I am a fan of the show, but I am especially interested in how the saga of the Roy family ends, because I’m in it.

Yes, your humble correspondent landed a (very) small part in the series, as a pundit at the Roy family’s fictional ATN network. The episodes I was in had some pretty intense plot developments, but of course, I cannot share with you what happens, not least because I don’t even know myself. My part is a scripted character, but as is often the case on such a show, there’s a lot of security around the plot, and I don’t know what happened before or after I left the set. It was all great fun, and it was an honor to be able to watch some of the main cast at work. (If you think acting is easy, just spend a few days watching professionals do it.) When the season is winding down, I will write more about this fascinating experience; in the meantime, tune in and join me—well, a character sort of like me—at ATN.

— Tom

Isabel Fattal contributed to this newsletter.