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Jordan seeks testimony from senior counsel to Manhattan DA in connection to Trump probe

CNN

www.cnn.com › 2023 › 04 › 07 › politics › house-republicans-manhattan-da › index.html

House Judiciary Chairman Jim Jordan is expanding his investigation into the Manhattan District Attorney's office by seeking voluntary cooperation from the office's senior counsel, Matthew Colangelo.

Hear lawmaker's message to the former colleagues that expelled him

CNN

www.cnn.com › videos › politics › 2023 › 04 › 07 › justin-jones-expelled-lawmaker-tennessee-intv-cnntm-vpx.cnn

Tennessee's Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted to expel two Black Democratic lawmakers and spare a White lawmaker after they led a gun reform protest on the House floor in the wake of a mass shooting in Nashville that left six dead, including three children. Justin Jones, one of the lawmakers expelled joins CNN This Morning to discuss.

Why Britain Stinks

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › ideas › archive › 2023 › 04 › britain-sewage-water-pollution-scandal › 673655

Whenever I was in a bad mood as a child, my parents would toss me into the sea. It was the one thing, they said, that snapped me out of a temper. I grew up a 10-minute walk from the ocean in Wembury, a picture-postcard village in the southwest of England—an area popular for surfing, swimming, and rockpooling.

My father still lives in Wembury, and I still love to get in the water when I’m back home (I now live in London). One day in June 2021, however, I learned from a community Facebook page that going for a swim would not be possible. A blackboard had been erected at the beach with a message scrawled across it in white letters: BEACH CLOSED DUE TO POLLUTION INCIDENT.

In England, such warnings are a common sight: Human waste is routinely dumped into its rivers and seas. Surfers Against Sewage, a campaign group, runs an app that warns users nationwide, via green ticks and red crosses on a map, where it is and isn’t advisable to enter the water. Very commonly, the red crosses are caused by water companies discharging diluted but untreated sewage into the sea.

The practice is designed to be a legal, last-ditch safety measure in the event of a heavy rainstorm, to prevent the sewage from backing up into homes and businesses. This is supposed to be a rare occurrence, but recent data from England’s Environment Agency showed that untreated sewage was dumped more than 300,000 times nationally last year, for a total of more than 1.7 million hours. Hundreds of these releases did not, in fact, follow storms. As bad as the figures for 2022 sound, they are actually an improvement on 2021. The Environment Agency attributed the reduction more to drier weather than to any action on the part of water companies.

The release of untreated sewage into the ocean is not new; indeed, for much of the postwar period, it was a matter of policy in many coastal areas, and not just as a last resort. In more recent times, with tougher rules on sewage treatment, the precise extent of the untreated-discharge problem has not always been easy to track, not least because of inconsistencies in the collection and availability of data. Easier to measure is the momentum that the problem has gained lately as a political issue—one inflection point, according to Politico, being a viral post on a left-wing website in 2021 that drove many angry residents to write to their local lawmakers.

As public awareness has grown, critics have pointed to a cause much wider than bad weather. Decades of failed policies have filled water-company executives’ pockets with cash while England’s waterways and seasides have filled with excrement. If rain is generally to be expected in Britain, so too these days is corporate greed and creaking infrastructure.

[Helen Lewis: Roald Dahl can never be made nice]

It turned out that the sewage dump at Wembury in 2021 was due not to a storm but to a power outage at a local pumping station. The beach quickly reopened, and it remains a very pleasant place to swim in general; the Environment Agency rates its water quality as “excellent.” Still, Wembury has experienced sewage dumping after storms. Last year, according to the most recent Environment Agency data, an overflow into a stream that traverses the main beach discharged five times, and an overflow linked to a village treatment works behind an adjacent beach discharged into the sea 43 times.

Recently, I walked along that beach with Dan Brown, my childhood best friend who is now an elected councilor in Wembury. At its farthest point, we arrived at a thin pipeline perched on concrete stilts running out into the sea: a different wastewater-discharge pipe. As a child, I’d associated the area with a stinky smell. I breathed in deeply but could detect only the brackish odor of banked-up seaweed.

As we walked, Dan told me about the various stresses on water quality in the area: In addition to sewage dumps, these have included agricultural runoff, animal excrement, and faulty plumbing. And since our childhood, the footprint of the village has expanded. In general, more development doesn’t just mean more demand for water and more sewage; it also creates more built-up, paved areas that channel stormwater into the waste system.

Earlier in the day, it had been stormy—Britain just endured its wettest March in decades—but the sky was now clearing, and was shot through with a weak, gray light. A gaggle of surfers bobbed like seals in the ocean. I checked my Surfers Against Sewage app: Wembury was green, yet long stretches of coastline to the east were peppered with red.

In the summer of 1858, London was particularly hot and smelly. With the city’s population booming, and flushing lavatories newly in vogue, the Thames had started to fill with human waste, and cholera ran rampant. The “Great Stink,” as the appalling spell of pollution soon became known, sufficiently disgusted politicians that they threw money at the problem. The result was a hugely ambitious new sewage system, built under the guidance of the celebrated engineer Joseph Bazalgette, whose name became a byword for Victorian ingenuity. Other parts of the United Kingdom followed suit.

For many decades, Bazalgette’s system was “very effective,” Veronica Edmonds-Brown, a senior research fellow in aquatic ecology at the University of Hertfordshire, told me. The problem, she said, is that it hasn’t been meaningfully overhauled since then—and is “no longer fit for purpose.”

Much of the U.K. today has what is known as a combined sewer system: Pipes carrying sewage and surface water connect at various points, with the latter diluting the former. Before being released into the environment, sewage is supposed to be treated at plants. In Wembury, for example, waste flows to the treatment works in a field behind the coastal path and is then discharged, via a pipe, into the sea, about 2,000 feet away from the main bathing area. When heavy rain overwhelms such a combined system, the mingled rainwater and raw sewage flows out of different pipes.

[Read: The great British humbling]

By law, this type of release is supposedly limited to exceptional circumstances. “The point was that the ‘exceptional circumstances’ would be something like a one-in-500- or one-in-100-year flood,” Edmonds-Brown said. “Today, it’s almost a weekly occurrence.” This is largely down to a set of intensifying pressures on the sewage system. The country’s population has expanded hugely since Bazalgette’s day. So, too, has the built environment—not just housing, but also roads and sidewalks—with the result that far more surface water has nowhere to go but into drains. And the climate crisis is making rainstorms more intense.

In the face of these challenges, investment in infrastructure has “not risen to match these demands,” as a report from a House of Lords committee put it recently. “The result is a network unable to cope.”

Unlike any other country in the world, England and Wales have a fully privatized water industry, a state of affairs stemming from the broader neoliberal agenda of Margaret Thatcher’s governments in the 1980s. Critics of this system argue that private suppliers have long neglected to upgrade failing infrastructure, choosing instead to pay out huge shareholder dividends and executive bonuses, and to load up debt. Regulators, meanwhile, have faced budget cuts and accusations of toothlessness, including from their own staff.

“The only way you’re going to resolve this problem is if you put in infrastructure,” Edmonds-Brown told me. “I want to be fair to the water companies in that it’s a big job. But they’ve had a long time to start dealing with it. And they’re tinkering around the edges.”

As with sewage dumping itself, the battle for cleaner bathing water in the U.K. is long-standing. Surfers Against Sewage was founded in the English county of Cornwall (not that far from Wembury) more than 30 years ago as the surfing community’s response to, in the group’s words, “sanitary towels on heads and human poo sandwiched between bodies and boards.” In recent years, however, the fight seems to have escalated. Water companies have faced legal challenges over dumping, one of which recently came before the Supreme Court. The climate activist movement Extinction Rebellion has highlighted the problem: Last month, campaigners dressed in hazmat gear poured fake sewage outside the headquarters of two water companies. All of this has coincided with—and driven—greater media attention to the issue.

A central voice in that coverage—not to mention an energetic and persuasive one—has been that of Feargal Sharkey. For decades, Sharkey was best known as a musician, first as front man for the punk band The Undertones and later in a solo career. For even longer, he’s been a keen fly fisher. Six years ago, he took over as chair of a prestigious angling club in England, which had long been in talks with regulators over the declining water levels on its river in Hertfordshire. “Coming from my music-industry background, where everything happens at a pace,” Sharkey didn’t understand how “you sit around and talk about anything for 15 years and not manage to resolve it,” he told me when we spoke recently.

[Read: The problem of English identity]

On his watch, the club moved to sue the Environment Agency, which led to a resolution of the issue. But the process made Sharkey curious about why it had taken so much trouble. He soon noticed that other community groups had similarly hit a wall with their complaints about local water quality. They “put their trust in the system,” Sharkey said. “As it turned out, the system conspired, in some locations, to do exactly the opposite” of what these concerned citizens had been seeking.

Sharkey decided to lend his public profile to the larger cause. To raise awareness, he walked the length of every river in the London area, pointing out, in a series of Twitter threads, “sanitary products, wet wipes, condoms, hanging like some sort of demented bloody Christmas baubles off bits of trees.”

Sharkey’s activism has multiple targets—he has blasted water companies for draining southern England’s pristine chalk streams, which are a global rarity—and his advocacy has highlighted untreated-sewage dumping, which occurs in rivers as well as in coastal areas. (Last year, after one water company claimed that untreated-sewage dumps were 95 to 97 percent rainwater, Sharkey challenged the firm’s CEO to try drinking the runoff.) By the government’s own assessment, only about 15 percent of England’s rivers are in a healthy ecological condition. And, according to the respected magazine New Scientist, just two of them contain stretches that have officially been designated as bathing areas—and in both cases, the water quality is rated as “poor.”

Officials and experts have pointed out that, by Environment Agency metrics at least, coastal bathing areas are much cleaner than they were a few decades ago. And the government has argued that untreated-sewage dumping seems more common now only because of better data collection, which ministers mandated that water companies provide starting in 2016. Last summer, the government set out plans to force water companies to “improve” storm-overflow infrastructure across the board by 2050, bringing the target forward to 2035 for dumps in or near bathing areas. The water industry says that it’s already working on this program. London, channeling something of the spirit of Bazalgette, is building a new “super sewer” at a cost of £4 billion ($5 billion).

But these talking points don’t wash with activists like Sharkey. When we spoke, he responded to the notion that the government had proactively mandated greater transparency as “complete and utter bollocks.” He described the 2050 target as a de facto legalization of practices that violate the law but for legitimately rare circumstances. Surfers Against Sewage wants all untreated sewage dumping cut by 90 percent by 2030, and for the designation of an additional 200 inland bathing waters in the same time frame. The recent House of Lords report concluded that the 2050 plan “lacks bite,” and suggested disbarring from the industry water-company bosses who oversee “egregious environmental crimes.” The Environment Agency has itself called for executives to face jail terms in certain circumstances (though it has since played down its own ability to hand out harsh fines).

Tougher enforcement against those doing the dumping would be a good starting point. Other mooted solutions to the problem include regenerating wetlands and removing concrete paving from the urban environment to relieve pressure on the system from runoff. Some academics think that, in the long run, Britain should scrap its combined system altogether, treating sewage and rainwater separately, although others view that as unnecessary.

More immediately, the country must decide who will pay for the urgently needed infrastructure improvements: taxpayers, private companies, or utility-bill payers. “At a time when there are enough people struggling with the cost of living and having to make decisions about feeding children and keeping the heating on,” the government’s current plan could end up rewarding even more those who have taken value out of water companies, Sharkey said. “It’s a fucking outrage.”

Improbable as it sounds, sewage has become a culturally salient issue—a joke about it even made the new season of Ted Lasso. The red crosses and the social-media images of used toilet paper decorating riparian England have also made it an ever more pressing political concern a year or so out from expected national elections. Leaders of the Liberal Democrats, a small opposition party that has traditionally been the governing Conservative Party’s main challenger in its rural heartland, believe that the sewage issue could swing more than a dozen seats in Parliament their way. The Conservatives seem to be feeling the heat: Despite having set out new targets just last year, the government recently addressed the issue again, this time pledging unlimited fines for water companies and a ban on plastics in wet wipes as part of a broader plan “for delivering clean and plentiful water.” (Critics called these promises a rehash of existing commitments.)

After 13 exhausting years of austerity followed by Brexit chaos followed by COVID misery, the Conservatives are at serious risk of getting kicked out. A widespread sense has taken hold in Britain that nothing is really working as well as it should—and that some things must change. According to recent polls, a strong majority of voters—including Conservatives—think that the public sector, not private companies, should run the water industry. The main opposition Labour Party, which stands to take power if the Conservatives falter, has also attacked the government over its “sewage scandal,” and promised to sort it out. For a time, Labour, too, backed public ownership of water utilities; however, to prove its fiscal discipline, it appeared to renege on the pledge last year.

[Anne Applebaum: Brexit reveals a whole new set of political wounds]

Whichever government finally addresses the problem will find that fixing it will require serious financial investment and political capital, not half measures. And the challenge goes far beyond sewage treatment. Overflow pipes are by no means the only source of pollution running into rivers and seas. Lost water from leaking pipes is a concern. And it’s also a question of ensuring that Britain has enough water on a long-term basis. As the Lords report noted, the Environment Agency forecasts that, on current trend, the U.K. will be unable to meet domestic water demand in 20 years.

Nowhere is immune to the effects of a warming planet. When I was growing up in Wembury, in the late ’90s, the cult children’s TV show Teletubbies followed three local kids looking for hermit crabs and shrimp in a bay just around the corner from the village. I was one of the kids—yes, there is video. Today, I wonder whether future generations will be able to enjoy the simple seaside pleasures we took for granted, or whether that footage will come to look like a capsule from another world.

Analysis: A momentous political showdown in Tennessee lays bare a new chapter in US politics

CNN

www.cnn.com › 2023 › 04 › 07 › politics › political-showdown-tennessee › index.html

Tennessee Republicans' ruthless use of their state House supermajority to expel two young Black lawmakers for breaching decorum exposed a torrent of political forces that are transforming American politics at the grassroots.

Tennessee state lawmaker defends protest: 'The world is watching'

CNN

www.cnn.com › videos › politics › 2023 › 04 › 07 › justin-jones-gloria-johnson-justin-pearson-expulsion-tennessee-house-gun-control-contd-orig-mh.cnn

Tennessee's Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted to expel two out of three Democratic lawmakers after they led a gun reform protest on the House floor.

The Week That Made Modern America

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › newsletters › archive › 2023 › 04 › the-week-that-made-modern-america › 673658

This is an edition of The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here.

“Collective grief can have a way of warping the historical lens,” my colleague Vann R. Newkirk II explains in Holy Week, a new Atlantic podcast series exploring the week of fiery uprisings that broke out across many major U.S. cities following the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. I spoke with Vann about what happened during that week, exactly 55 years ago, and how it diverted the civil-rights movement in ways that history is in danger of forgetting.

But first, here are three new stories from The Atlantic.

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Kelli María Korducki: The story of the mass uprisings that immediately followed King’s assassination on April 4, 1968, isn’t widely included in most Americans’ civil-rights history education. When did you learn about it?

Vann R. Newkirk II: My whole life. My father got his Ph.D. from Howard University in the ’90s, and there were lots of buildings in Washington, D.C., at the time that had been burned in 1968 and weren’t yet replaced. But I didn’t quite understand what that week meant to America, and how things changed in that year, until much more recently.

Kelli: What exactly happened during Holy Week, 1968? And how did it challenge your understanding of the civil-rights movement until that point?

Vann: After King was killed, there were these uprisings in over 100 cities. The week marked the biggest street unrest in America, really between the Civil War and the George Floyd protests in 2020. You think about that type of thing usually as kind of era- or epoch-defining. People were coming out in grief over King’s death, but also about the loss of what he symbolized: a future that lots of Black Americans were really holding on to. It was kind of the last hope for a lot of people.

The 1960s saw the passage of major civil-rights bills that were, on paper, supposed to bring about certain measures of equality that lots of people had hoped for, in terms of housing, education, jobs, and so on. But by and large, Black Americans were still living in concentrated poverty in the ghettos. They still weren’t getting jobs. There were still staggering rates of school segregation and all types of discrimination in housing and jobs. So Holy Week saw those frustrations boil over.

At the same time, public opinion had been moving away from the movement for some years. King had an approval rating somewhere south of 30 percent in the year he was killed. Among the non-Black public, he was seen as even something of a villain after he came out against the Vietnam War. So what you also saw that week was the greater part of the American public deciding, firmly, that it was done with the civil-rights agenda.

Kelli: How did that play out?

Vann: Like a lot of things in politics, it was slow and then fast. Over the late ’60s, there was an erosion of public support for both protest and civil-rights legislation. And, at least in my reading of the polls and interviews with people who were active in the movement, the assassination appears to have really accelerated that process.

That spring, you also saw the 1968 primaries for president. Lyndon B. Johnson decided not to run again. On the Republican side, the people who were jockeying for the nomination were the people who would end up defining the modern party, Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, and both were running on these really robust “law and order” campaigns. They were pledging to build what we now know is the basis of the modern system of mass incarceration, courting disaffected white voters who used to vote Democratic and who still supported segregation, or at least didn’t want their communities integrated.

Then the assassination kicks everything into gear. You see a strong reaction from white America against the riots; public-opinion polling shows that the vast majority of Americans disapprove of the riots, and don’t believe that the protests have anything to do with King or with any long-standing disenfranchisement or inequality. A common interpretation was that the protesters were kind of being bad people. And the primary solution, as imagined by the majority of non-Black Americans, is not to implement policy measures that would address the concerns in the Black ghettos, but making sure that further uprising did not happen again, by any means.

Kelli: It sounds like the uprisings during Holy Week reframed Americans’ understanding of political dissent as a kind of dangerous outlier force, as opposed to a mass movement by ordinary people.

Vann: That’s exactly how I’d put it.

Kelli: Do you think that perception has changed at all in recent years?

Vann: The dominant narrative of the civil-rights movement still falls short of explaining why somebody like King would have such a low approval rating in late life, why he was still working and believed that the majority of his work lay ahead of him. Or why America reacted as it did in ’68, why these clashes and divisions transpired.

But I think that, when you go back and look at what led up to King’s death, and talk to people who were alive and politically engaged at that time—which is what we did—you see that although there was a really accelerated time frame of events, they all sort of followed logically from underlying conditions. There’s an ongoing erosion of support for the civil-rights movement and the solidification of backlash; there’s the rise of Black power and Black nationalism. They all happen at the same time, for the same reasons. I think more and more people are developing a more sophisticated understanding of the transition from what I will call the “movement era” to the modern era. Hopefully, this podcast is adding to that.

Related:

Introducing: Holy Week The second assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. (from 2021) Today’s News The IRS unveiled a 10-year, $80 billion overhaul plan toward a “digital-first” future. The U.S. Supreme Court refused to enforce a West Virginia law that bans transgender girls from participating in girls’ sports at school. The Tennessee House of Representatives voted to oust the first of three Democratic lawmakers who led a recent gun-reform protest from the House floor. Dispatches Up for Debate: People can’t agree on what college diversity offices should do, Conor Friedersdorf writes.

Explore all of our newsletters here.

Evening Read Brook Pifer / Gallery Stock

The Scariest Part of a Relationship

By Faith Hill

The beginning is all fun and games. You go on a few dates with someone—no big deal, you’re not invested. Then you go on some more, and some more after that. This, whatever this is, is kind of nice. Maybe you mention it to your mom, and then she won’t stop asking about it. Next thing you know, you’re wearing your retainer when you stay over and texting them every time you see a cute dog. Are you … are you in a relationship?

Every couple has, at some point, crossed the creaky, swaying bridge from “unofficial” to “partnered.” But when you’re still in between, it’s not always clear how to safely get to the other side.

Read the full article.

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P.S.

It was in researching stories for the 2018 King-focused issue of the magazine that Vann uncovered the deeper, and lasting, significance of the events that followed King’s death. That issue can be found in full in our online archive, and makes for a great companion read to the Holy Week podcast.

— Kelli

Former Michigan House speaker admits he took bribes as head of state's medical marijuana licensing board

CNN

www.cnn.com › 2023 › 04 › 06 › politics › michigan-former-house-speaker-medical-marijuana-bribes › index.html

The former head of Michigan's medical marijuana licensing board and former state House speaker admitted to taking more than $110,000 in bribes to help businesses get medical marijuana licenses, according to a plea agreement filed in federal court.

See the moment after Rep. Justin Jones was expelled

CNN

www.cnn.com › videos › politics › 2023 › 04 › 06 › tennessee-house-lawmaker-justin-jones-expelled-gun-reform-protest-sot-vpx.cnn

The Tennessee House of Representatives has voted to expel Rep. Justin Jones a week after he joined two other Democrats in a protest on the House floor as demonstrators at the Capitol called for gun reform following a mass shooting at a Nashville school.

Watch Tennessee House Democrat's reaction after GOP fails to expel her

CNN

www.cnn.com › videos › politics › 2023 › 04 › 06 › tennessee-rep-gloria-johnson-reaction-office-removal-vote-fails-sot-tsr-vpx.cnn

A vote to expel Democratic Rep. Gloria Johnson from Tennessee's Republican-controlled House of Representatives has failed, a week after she and two other Democrats led a gun reform protest on the House floor. The House earlier expelled Rep. Justin Jones over that protest, which followed a mass shooting at a Nashville school.