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Eddie Jones: Australia sacking under-fire coach is 'the worst thing' they can do, says Stirling Mortlock

BBC News

www.bbc.co.uk › sport › rugby-union › 66914086

Despite Australia facing a first-ever group stage elimination at the Rugby World Cup, sacking coach Eddie Jones is "the worst thing" the Wallabies can do according to former captain Stirling Mortlock.

The Government Finally Puts a Number on the Discrimination Against Black Colleges

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › ideas › archive › 2023 › 09 › land-grant-colleges-underfunded-biden-administration › 675379

On Monday, the Biden administration sent letters with a clear message to 16 governors: Over the past 30 years, their states have underfunded their historically Black land-grant colleges by hundreds of millions—or, in some cases, billions—of dollars. The memos, signed by Education Secretary Miguel Cardona and Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack, are the first time the federal government has attempted to put a comprehensive number on the financial discrimination against these institutions.

“Unacceptable funding inequities have forced many of our nation’s distinguished Historically Black Colleges and Universities to operate with inadequate resources and delay critical investments in everything from campus infrastructure to research and development to student support services,” Cardona said in a statement. (There are more than 100 HBCUs in the nation, but just 19 of them are land-grant institutions, or colleges designated for funding under the Second Morrill Act of 1890; it is these 19 institutions whose funding the government analyzed.)

At the outset of the Civil War, in 1861, shortly after southern legislators were expelled from Congress, Senator Justin Morrill of Vermont introduced a bill to educate the American workforce. Across the country, agricultural productivity was down sharply, and Morrill believed that education was the answer. There were only a smattering of colleges in the United States at the time, and they served primarily as finishing schools for the elite. “We have schools to teach the art of manslaying,” Morrill told his colleagues, “and shall we not have schools to teach men the way to feed, clothe, and enlighten the great brotherhood of man?” His idea was for the federal government to give states land that they could sell in order to fund a college. The bill, known as the First Morrill Act, was signed into law in July 1862.

[Read: Attending an HBCU has always been an act of courage]

Iowa was the first state to accept the land grant, which it used to fund Iowa State University; other states followed suit. By the time each state had taken advantage of its land grant, more than 17 million acres of land—10 million of which had been expropriated from hundreds of Indigenous tribes—had been doled out under the act. The institutions rarely, if ever, enrolled Black students.

By 1890, the colleges were starting to work as intended: They were, on average, enrolling more students than non-land-grant colleges were and expanding the college-going population. But the leaders of the institutions argued that they needed more money to do their work, and Morrill agreed. “Let me urge that the land-grant colleges are American institutions, established by Congress, and, if a small pittance is needed to perfect and complete their organization … I shall confidently hope that it will be granted without reluctance and with the full faith in the national benefits that cannot fail to accrue,” Morrill said.

He proposed a Second Morrill Act—one that came with a caveat: States could not receive funds to support a college that made a “distinction of race and color” in admitting students; states could, however, operate a separate but equal college for Black students. The bill was signed into law on August 30, 1890. Most southern states chose the separate-but-equal route; other states, like Iowa, where George Washington Carver enrolled at Iowa State University as its first Black student, in 1891, admitted Black students to their already established land grants.

Within two decades, however, it was clear that the states were shirking their duty to the equal part of separate but equal. On February 5, 1914, senators convened to discuss a sharp disparity among land-grant colleges. Wesley Jones, a Republican from Washington, had gathered data on the differences between the white land grants and the Black land grants. Georgia, Jones told his colleagues, was a prime example of the disparity in funding. There were 423 students at the white land grant—the University of Georgia—and 568 at the one for Black students, Savannah State College, but the University of Georgia’s funding far outpaced that of Savannah State. The government had provided UGA with $249,656—$50,287 of that coming from the federal land grant—whereas Savannah State had received just $24,667, with $8,000 coming from the federal government.

“Does that mean that they were trying to teach 500 colored students on $24,000 and 400 white students on $240,000, in round numbers?” Senator Albert B. Cummins of Iowa asked Jones during floor debate. “That seems to me a very startling disparity.”

[Read: The steep cost of decades of discrimination]

The very least the government could do, Jones argued, would be to require states to report how they spent their money, and he introduced legislation to make it so. But southern senators thought that went too far. The measure was voted down. Time passed. Other reports came and went, such as the Truman Commission for Higher Education and American Democracy’s analysis, which showed that no state in the union funded white and Black higher education equally—including at a rate of 42 to 1 in Kentucky. Still, it took more than a century for the federal government to finally require states to report their land-grant spending, which it did in the 2018 Farm Bill.

Cardona and Vilsack’s letters to the governors outline the exact amounts each land-grant Black college would have received from 1987 to 2020 if the institutions had been funded at the same level per student as the 1862 land grant stipulated. If Alabama A&M University had received its fair share in comparison to Auburn University, which has been dogged for decades by low enrollment figures for Black students, it would have had an additional $527 million over the period; meanwhile, Tennessee State University may have had an additional $2.1 billion if it had received an equitable share of the pie.

The land-grant colleges are not the only Black colleges that have been mistreated by state governments; each institution has many stories of unfair policies it has faced. Savannah State is no longer Georgia’s historically Black land grant—that designation now lies with Fort Valley State University—but it still must deal with the consequences of a state government that has failed to adequately fund it since its founding.

There is now a number attached to the legacy of discrimination at historically Black colleges, at least for the most recent decades. The lingering question is whether states will actually atone for it.

How the NFL Talks About Race Behind Closed Doors

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › ideas › archive › 2023 › 09 › nfl-discrimination-owners-trotter-lawsuit › 675344

At every turn, the NFL portrays itself as being deeply committed to racial progress. It has a $250 million social-justice fund. It created and then expanded a rule designed to give candidates of color a shot at leadership roles. The league even had “Lift Every Voice and Sing,” a hymn often described as the Black national anthem, performed alongside “The Star-Spangled Banner” during kickoff weekend. But a contrasting picture of how the league really views matters of racial justice keeps coming into clearer focus.

Earlier this week, the former NFL Network reporter Jim Trotter, who is Black, sued the league, accusing it of retaliation. The journalist alleges that the network, which is owned by the NFL, didn’t renew his contract because he publicly challenged Roger Goodell about the league’s poor diversity record during the commissioner’s Super Bowl press conference the past two years.

Trotter’s lengthy filing describes a league that, behind the scenes, regularly shrugs off calls for greater racial equity. Trotter alleges that when he asked Dallas Cowboys owner Jerry Jones at the 2021 Pro Football Hall of Fame exhibition game between the Cowboys and the Pittsburgh Steelers why the NFL didn’t have more Black people in positions of power, Jones responded, “If Blacks feel some kind of way, they should buy their own team and hire who they want to hire.” In his legal filing, Trotter said his superiors told him not to report Jones’s comments.

[Jemele Hill: The NFL is suddenly worried about Black lives]

Trotter’s lawsuit also asserts that, during a September 2020 Zoom call that involved several NFL Media newsroom employees, one participant cited remarks that the Buffalo Bills’ owner, Terry Pegula, had made in a previous conversation about some NFL players’ social-justice activism and support for the Black Lives Matter movement. According to Trotter’s account, this colleague heard Pegula say, “If the Black players don’t like it here, they should go back to Africa and see how bad it is.”

Trotter does not name the colleague, nor does he claim to have heard the alleged comment by the Bills owner firsthand. Jones and Pegula have both emphatically denied making the statements attributed to them. Pegula called Trotter’s accusations “absolutely false.” In a statement, Jones said: “Diversity and inclusion are extremely important to me personally and to the NFL. The representation made by Jim Trotter … is simply not accurate.”

In an appearance Wednesday on ESPN’s popular debate show First Take, Goodell minimized Trotter’s accusations.

“They’re allegations,” Goodell said. “Our job is to make sure that they’re factual. These are not new charges. They’re actually a couple of years old. They’ve been looked into. You’ve heard the strong denials. There’s litigation ongoing now.” The commissioner also reaffirmed the league’s commitment to diversity. “We know the importance of progress in diversity and we’re working very hard at it,” he said. “Is progress where we want it to be? No, it’s always slower than you want it to be, but I’m confident we’re moving in the right direction.”

Trotter is one of the most respected reporters covering professional football. If the NFL’s expectation was that Trotter wouldn’t hold the league accountable for its record, then it clearly wasn’t aware of Trotter’s reputation in the media industry. I have known him personally for years and consider him trustworthy. But Trotter’s word is not the only bit of evidence before us. Leaked emails, legal findings, and statistical analyses all point toward the conclusion that, for all the league’s public spin, powerful figures throughout the NFL ignore the contributions and concerns of Black players and coaches when the cameras and microphones are off.

In 2021, the Las Vegas Raiders coach Jon Gruden resigned after emails surfaced in which he made racist, homophobic, and misogynistic statements. In 2022, the former Miami Dolphins head coach Brian Flores filed a lawsuit against the NFL and three teams, claiming that the league was “rife with racism.” Earlier this year, a federal judge allowed his lawsuit to proceed. Flores, now the defensive coordinator for the Minnesota Vikings, alleged that the NFL had frozen Black candidates out of key positions such as head coach, offensive and defensive coordinator, quarterbacks coach, and general manager.

That NFL teams have struggled to hire and retain Black coaches is no secret; the league’s Rooney Rule, which requires teams to interview diverse candidates for major coaching and front-office positions, has yielded little progress in the face of owners’ unwillingness to hire nonwhite head coaches and general managers. When Flores filed his lawsuit, there was only one Black head coach among the NFL’s 32 teams—an embarrassing statistic for a league in which a majority of the players are Black. This season, the NFL has a total of six coaches of color, just three of whom are Black. Trotter himself pointed out last year that nearly half of the league’s teams had never had a Black non-interim head coach. That list includes Jerry Jones’s team, the Cowboys.

[Jemele Hill: What the Jerry Jones photo reveals about the NFL]

NFL owners’ reluctance to put Black men in decision-making roles extends to their choices about which players to draft. Earlier this week, the news website SFGATE reported that Black quarterbacks are being systematically underrated in the NFL draft; those who are chosen measurably outperform white peers who were picked in the same round. What this means in practice is simple: Teams are missing out on wins because they underestimate how well Black quarterbacks can play.

That report is in line with an ugly historical trend: teams’ refusal to consider Black players as quarterbacks out of the racist belief that they lacked the intelligence and leadership ability to perform in the position. In 1923, Fritz Pollard became the first Black man to play quarterback in American professional football. Ten years later, George Preston Marshall, the owner of Washington, D.C.’s football team, instigated a ban on all Black players that lasted through 1945. It took another 23 years for Marlin Briscoe to become the first Black quarterback to start for an NFL team in the modern Super Bowl era.

You would think that in a league as competitive as the NFL, owners and coaches would have an earnest desire to find the best possible play callers, regardless of their race. The private comments allegedly being made by some of the NFL’s most powerful people would help explain why the league seems intent, when any race-related controversy arises, on doing the barest minimum necessary to make the bad publicity go away.

In 2018, a number of owners, players, and league executives met for several hours at the NFL headquarters in New York to discuss how to handle social-justice protests during the national anthem. The New York Times obtained audio from that conversation. During the meeting, Terry Pegula suggested that the NFL needed a Black spokesperson to highlight how the players and owners were working together. As a precedent, he approvingly cited the actor Charlton Heston’s role for many years as “a figurehead” for the National Rifle Association. “For us to have a face, as an African American, at least a face that could be in the media,” Pegula said in the meeting, “we could fall in behind that.”

Pegula’s suggestion that a Black spokesperson could provide cover for a mostly white group of owners who did not want to deal with the backlash to the protests was cringeworthy. It also was sadly unsurprising. Considerable evidence shows that the NFL isn’t truly committed to addressing the issues that Trotter presented in his lawsuit. The league would instead rather cultivate an inclusive public image that doesn’t jibe with what’s really happening in secret.

What to stream this weekend: Indiana Jones, 'One Piece,' 'The Menu' and tunes from NCT and Icona Pop

Quartz

qz.com › what-to-stream-this-weekend-indiana-jones-one-piece-1850795994

”Indiana Jones and the Dial of Destiny” and the second season debut of the third “Power” spin-off “Power Book IV: Force” are among the new television, movies, music and games headed to a device near you

Read more...

Six Books That Will Make You Feel Less Alone

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › books › archive › 2023 › 09 › books-human-connection › 675208

Anytime I’ve felt adrift or lonely, literature has been a bridge leading me back to other people. When I moved to a new country after living in the same city for three decades, I sought out literary events to meet fellow artists. Back when I was a disillusioned law student, frustrated with the limitations of the curriculum, I convened a reading group that addressed the gaps in our education and breathed new meaning into my degree. Writing is an isolating and unpredictable line of work, so today, I consistently rely on the solidarity offered by others engaged in the same pursuit.

Many of us are bombarded with cultural messages insisting that we must be self-sufficient. Books can help us resist that idea. They are also one of the most powerful tools we have for building connections with others. Reading allows us to learn about history, discover new thoughts, join with like-minded people, and reimagine the world from how it is into how it could be. (Partly because of that subversive potential, the freedom to read is also under threat.)

The following six titles are a corrective to feeling like an island. By exploring a range of bonds—casual interactions over a shared hobby, say, or the knottiness of family ties—they remind us that, contrary to how it may seem at times, we are far from alone; our lives extend in multiple directions, influenced by and influencing those around us.

Ballantine

Son of Elsewhere, by Elamin Abdelmahmoud

At age 12, Abdelmahmoud moved with his family from Khartoum, Sudan, to Kingston, Ontario, “one of the whitest cities in Canada,” he writes in this memoir. “Over here, we’re Black,” a cousin told him about their new country. For Abdelmahmoud, this was an entirely different manner of thinking about himself; in Khartoum, he identified primarily as Arab. He explains that his Blackness presented an obstacle to fitting in, and at first he repudiated it by mimicking the speech of his white classmates, embracing cultural signifiers such as Linkin Park and wrestling, and even introducing himself as Stan. Although his teenage interests originate as attempts to belong, Abdelmahmoud develops authentic bonds with these pursuits—and with the people he meets through them. Wrestling leads him to e-federations—forums for fan fiction about fighters—and he finds his voice as a writer. Rock shows are cathartic, and let him work out his feelings in a crowd there to do the same. As he continues to think through his relationship to race, music and books by Black artists give him a more capacious way to understand his identity. Eventually, his jubilant, expansive love of pop culture becomes a path to genuine connection with his new neighbors.

[Read: Adjusting to life in a new country, with a friend]

Coach House Books

A Suitable Companion for the End of Your Life, by Robert McGill

McGill’s propulsive, dizzyingly surreal third novel follows Regan, an 18-year-old with absent parents, a devastating athletic injury, and a pile of college rejections, who decides “that living wasn’t for her, maybe.” She heads to the dark web and orders an unexpected means of suicide: a person from a pandemic-ravaged country who has been flat-packed and shipped out like furniture. Once unpacked, the refugee will inflate and expel toxic packing gasses over several days, providing the recipient with a painless method of dying. Unfurling is a kind of second birth for Ülle, the woman delivered to Regan’s home. Her memories have been wiped clean; her English is elementary; one of her first actions, to Regan’s dismay, is to address her new companion as mama. As Regan waits for the gas to take effect, her plans begin to deviate: More mysterious packages arrive on her doorstep, Ülle’s past starts to come back to her, and she and Regan are surveilled by the organization that brought them together. The bond between the two women is initially meant to be transactional. But as Regan becomes Ülle’s de facto caregiver, the novel offers a surprising, deeply moving portrait of people finding an unconventional kind of family.

Pantheon

Thin Skin, by Jenn Shapland

In five lengthy essays, Shapland explores the idea that the borders between individual lives are not as fixed as we may like to believe. Rather, our behaviors inevitably affect others, and vice versa. For Shapland, the question of thin skin is quite literal—she was told by a dermatologist that she’s missing an epidermal layer. The human body’s vulnerable membrane provides a metaphor for the rest of the collection, which probes how our existence is neither autonomous nor inviolable, exemplified for Shapland by the polluted world, segregated cities, unequal resources. Believing that anyone is entirely self-contained, Shapland asserts, is a fantasy. Even someone who had no direct role in these ills may be affected by—or benefit from—the fallout. The essays unfold through association, sliding from subject to subject while implying the uneasy boundaries between them. “To be alive right now and to try to be aware of the broader impacts of my own actions feels like drowning,” she writes. By tracing these uncomfortable connections, Thin Skin repudiates the notion that we are wholly separate from one another.

[Read: Environmentalism was once a social-justice movement]

Haymarket

Rehearsals for Living, by Robyn Maynard and Leanne Betasamosake Simpson

During the initial wave of COVID-19 shutdowns in 2020, Maynard and Simpson, two radical writers, scholars, and activists, began exchanging the letters collected in Rehearsals for Living. Maynard is the author of the best-selling Policing Black Lives: State Violence in Canada From Slavery to the Present and has led a number of initiatives on police and prison abolition; Simpson has written seven previous books and spent decades teaching Indigenous forms of knowledge. At first, the letters simply enabled two friends to keep in touch during a dark time. As the year continued, both Maynard and Simpson joined the swelling, unprecedented Black Lives Matter and Indigenous land-defense movements, and their writing collaboratively imagined a society with, for example, no police and abundant shared resources. As they reflect on the many ways that the state has harmed their respective communities—including overpolicing and neglectful public-health responses to the pandemic—the letters contemplate what the future could look like, and writing becomes a form of coalition-building.

Ancestor Trouble, by Maud Newton

In this deeply researched memoir, Newton explores our connections with biological family. For Newton, that particular kind of relation can be vexed. She has long been fascinated by stories about the generations that preceded her, but she must also face the difficult parts of that history—for example, the virulent racism of her estranged father, the casual bigotry of her beloved grandmother, or, further back, her relatives who enslaved people. “It’s one thing to acknowledge bigotry and inhumanity where we expect it,” Newton writes; “it’s another thing to face and acknowledge it in the people we love most.” Her meticulous excavation of her family tree is both an engaging narrative and a clear-eyed reckoning. Ancestor Trouble asks not only what we owe those who came before us but also how the wrongs of our forebears inform what we owe those alive with us today. Newton has a passionate interest in the secrets of her bloodline and how they might erupt—genetically, dispositionally, psychologically—in her own life. Her research leads her into an exploration of the genealogy industry and global practices of ancestor worship, presenting a panoramic case for the value of honoring and reconciling one’s relationship to a challenging heritage.

[Read: Coming to terms with my father’s racism]

Coffee House Press

Alive at the End of the World, by Saeed Jones

Jones’s second book of poetry is a sharp, darkly comic celebration of Black life and art amidst the daily apocalypses of American life. His lucid lines mourn how mass shootings, the climate crisis, and rampant racism have made everyday violence feel normal: “In America, a gathering of people / is called target practice or a funeral, / depending on who lives long enough / to define the terms,” he writes. He makes art in response to his grief, and he connects our present moment, and his own poetry, to a longer history of Black artists who also worked under the collective weight of oppressive conditions. He invokes figures such as Little Richard, Paul Mooney, and Aretha Franklin, building a lineage of Black artistry while articulating how its output has been alternately fetishized, tokenized, and compromised. Jones places his work in this tradition and asserts its presence and depth, rejecting the patronizing notion that Black creative achievements are uncommon or exceptional. In a poem that takes the voice of the actress Diahann Carroll, he writes, “Let the pale reporters and their pointed questions about being / ‘the first and only’ hang from trees like the warnings they are.”