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Nikki Haley Is the New Ron DeSantis

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › ideas › archive › 2023 › 10 › nikki-haley-donald-trump-republican-presidential-primary › 675612

This might be Nikki Haley’s moment.

Not her moment to become the Republican presidential front-runner. (Don’t be silly.) Not even her moment to nip at Donald Trump’s heels. But it could be her chance to consolidate the anti-Trump support in the GOP, and to make a solid play for the silver medal and maybe a good speaking slot at the RNC in Milwaukee next summer.

The former South Carolina governor and United Nations ambassador has risen, slightly, in recent polls, and is now third in RealClearPolitics’ average of national polls, after Trump and Ron DeSantis. She is consistently coming in second in polling in the first-in-the-nation primary state of New Hampshire, having pulled ahead of DeSantis there. This week, she picked up the endorsement of former Representative Will Hurd when he dropped out of the Republican race. She’s appearing at two major donor conferences this month. Her boomlet is a long way from the big candidate bubbles of the 2012 and 2016 GOP primaries, but it’s the most notable surge in the race right now.

Haley has brought this about in part with strong performances at debates, where she’s managed to come off as an adult (sorry, Vivek), a lively presence (sorry, Mike and Tim), and an actual alternative to Trump without letting that define her (sorry, Chris). But more than anything, she has benefited from the dramatic flameout of DeSantis.

[Mark Leibovich: Just wait until you get to know Ron DeSantis]

Nearly a year of campaigning has revealed a huge gap between “Ron DeSantis,” the candidate conservative elites thought they were getting when they coalesced behind him last fall, and Ron DeSantis, the actual man Americans have seen on the trail. Influential conservatives imagined a charismatic, crusading figure who could marry the belligerent rhetoric of Trump to a more traditional conservative platform and effective, low-drama governance. Plus he was a winner: Unlike Trump, who led Republicans to defeat or underperformance in 2018, 2020, and 2022, DeSantis had romped in Florida in the 2022 midterms. (Democrats also feared he was a formidable contender.)

This combination enthralled old-school Republicans who had not either surrendered to Trumpism or abandoned the party. National Review practically became a DeSantis fanzine. Rupert Murdoch’s influential empire excitedly covered him, with the New York Post labeling him “DeFUTURE.”

Instead, they’ve gotten DeFlation. Just as my colleague Mark Leibovich predicted last November, the more people get to know DeSantis, the less they like him. He delivers his lines like, well, he’s delivering lines. He seems incapable of talking to people like he’s a human being. His election-fraud squad and anti-Disney onslaught petered out. His vaunted campaign meme farm turns out to have had a thing for Nazi imagery. His flop reboot showed that the only boots that give him any lift are Cuban heels. Most lethally, from the standpoint of his bandwagon backers, he has failed to come close to challenging Trump’s dominance in the race, which was his whole appeal. (Though some backers simply refuse to believe it.) Donors have fled. A super PAC backing DeSantis has cut spending and lost staff. Murdoch has quickly gotten over DeSantis, like just another romantic partner.

Thus the Haley buzz right now. Hurd’s support won’t do much for Haley on its own—if he had many followers, he wouldn’t be dropping out—but it bespeaks the concern of anti-Trump Republicans that they must consolidate to defeat Trump, and that DeSantis is simply not capable of doing that.

But although it’s true that DeSantis looks like a terrible candidate, his ultimate problem was not that he’s a terrible candidate but rather that GOP primary voters don’t want someone other than Trump. The premise of the Haley boomlet, insofar as it exists, is that Republicans would choose another candidate if only the right one presented him- or herself. But Trump is consistently polling above 50 percent among GOP voters nationally. This isn’t a replay of 2016, where he managed to squeak past a splintered field but never achieved more than plurality support until he’d clinched the nomination.

[David A. Graham: The 2024 U.S. presidential race: A cheat sheet]

Trump-chilly Republican elites still haven’t accepted the reality that rank-and-file Republican voters have a different ideology than they do. What’s surprising is that even after failing to stop Trump in 2016 and seven years of eulogies for the Republican establishment, party elites still don’t get that. Speaking to a conference of his former donors yesterday, Mitt Romney said, “I want to put responsibility on your shoulders as the people who are financing campaigns to have some say as to when it’s time for the person you support to say, ‘Okay, I’m getting behind someone else.’”

The donors, who presumably didn’t come into their piles of money by being bad at math, can run the numbers easily enough and see the flaws in this argument: Even if every Republican candidate except Trump dropped out and backed Haley, she’d still be trailing Trump. (That’s obviously not going to happen, especially given how bad the vibes are between Haley and Ramaswamy.) This makes Haley’s rise intellectually interesting, but it also means it will likely just be a footnote to Trump’s renomination.

Michael Lewis Is Buying What Sam Bankman-Fried Is Selling

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › books › archive › 2023 › 10 › sam-bankman-fried-going-infinite-book-michael-lewis › 675609

This story seems to be about:

Michael Lewis was captivated by Sam Bankman-Fried from their very first meeting—and on the evidence of Lewis’s new book, Going Infinite, his affection has not wavered in the two years since. Which is surprising, because Bankman-Fried is no longer a lauded cryptocurrency billionaire but an alleged con man, on trial for seven counts of fraud and money laundering. (He has pleaded not guilty.)

Lewis was introduced to Bankman-Fried by an unnamed friend, who was poised to invest in the latter’s crypto exchange, FTX. The deal “would bind their fates, through an exchange of shares in each other’s companies worth hundreds of millions of dollars,” and so, naturally, the friend wanted Lewis to check out this scatterbrained prodigy who had gotten rich from trading virtual money.

SBF duly turned up on Lewis’s porch in Berkeley, California, wearing cargo shorts and “ratty New Balance sneakers.” The pair took a walk together, talked about finance and philanthropy, and the older man came away impressed: “I called my friend and said something like: Go for it! Swap shares with Sam Bankman-Fried! Do whatever he wants to do! What could possibly go wrong?

And that, my friends, is a little literary technique we call “foreshadowing.” In November last year, FTX declared bankruptcy. The man who seemed destined to be the world’s first trillionaire—and who wanted to use his money “to address the biggest existential risks to life on earth”—instead ended up getting extradited from the Bahamas. FTX had loaned several billion dollars to Bankman-Fried’s trading firm, Alameda Research, leaving it without enough cash to match customer withdrawals. The legality of that loan is now a matter for the Daniel Patrick Moynihan U.S. Courthouse, in Manhattan, New York.

The Bankman-Fried story is a classic tale of hubris, and Michael Lewis had a backstage pass for all of it. Having acted as a food taster for his investor friend—revealed elsewhere to be Brad Katsuyama, the subject of his 2014 book, Flash Boys—he wound up shadowing SBF in the final days of his pomp, and during the run on FTX that brought him down.

Going Infinite is therefore a portrait of grandiose ambition, youthful arrogance, and the distorting power of money. This book contains possible polycules, earnest discussions of saving the Earth, and a supporting cast of grifters, vultures, and Gisele. We follow Bankman-Fried through his lonely childhood, with eccentric parents who don’t celebrate birthdays or holidays; on to his hiring by the high-frequency trading firm Jane Street Capital through a series of math puzzles; and then to his final destination at FTX, where he survives an early staff revolt and afterward rules as an absolute monarch.

In understated, streamlined prose, Lewis captures SBF’s weirdness. His protagonist’s knee is forever “jackhammering” under the table. His hair is always puffed into a “Jewfro.” He regularly sleeps on a beanbag near his desk. The trouble is that these details—already familiar from a thousand magazine profiles—are presented as a counterpoint to Bankman-Fried’s mathematical genius, when we all know they will be read as proof of it. He is a modern archetype: the human computer, too busy dreaming in binary to wash his own socks. Frankly, I would have been more surprised to learn that SBF was a competent manager and thoughtful friend rather than, as the book portrays him, an emotionally stunted slob with attention issues.

[Read: The taming of Sam Bankman-Fried]

Notoriously, Michael Lewis prefers to write about unsung heroes, such as the scientists who foresaw the danger of the coronavirus or the oddball short sellers who predicted the 2008 financial crash. Here, though, he is confronted with a character who morphed into a villain halfway through his writing process. Over and over, I wondered if Lewis had constructed a box marked unconventional maverick takes on the banks and was trying to chop the limbs off the actual story to squash it inside.

Many anecdotes appear designed to present Bankman-Fried as a special star-child, but I think make him sound like a prick. He plays a video game while on a Zoom call with Vogue’s Anna Wintour. He showers popcorn all over his private jet. He asks his closest colleagues to vote on a course of action and then ignores it. The word that captures him more than any other is careless. He is careless of his appearance, careless of other people’s feelings, and careless of their money.  

His gender and age are essential to this portrait. Bankman-Fried needs to be a boy genius for the trick to work, for his little foibles to be excused. There was no “adult supervision” at FTX, Lewis writes, no “wizened adults” to restrain its excesses. (Everyone involved was above legal age.) Bankman-Fried “thought grown-ups were pointless,” and that category included banks and governments. After FTX files for bankruptcy, Lewis recounts how two female employees, Constance Wang and Quinn Li, remained in its empty Bahamas compound, along with Bankman-Fried. Wang alternates pumping him for information—she has since cooperated with the authorities, and has not been charged with any crime—and cooking him dinner. When police turn up to arrest SBF, his mom, Barbara, “stopped arguing with Sam about what he could say to Congress, and started arguing with him about what he should wear to jail. She wanted him to put on long pants. Sam insisted on remaining in his cargo shorts.” (Find me a middle-aged woman who would be indulged like this—petted and coddled and absolved of basic human responsibilities. No such person exists.)

While Li hunts for fresh socks for her 30-something boss, Wang discovers Manfred, the stuffed toy animal Sam has carried with him since childhood.

The promise and the peril of a Michael Lewis book is that he gets close to his subjects—in this case, uncomfortably close. That isn’t such a problem in the early half of the book, where its protagonist is still a wild-haired wunderkind. But later it begins to read like the case for the defense.

When relaying the popcorn and the socks and the stuffed animal, Lewis makes the editorial choice to let these details speak for themselves, rather than provide a condemnatory gloss. That said, even as detached and ironic a narrator as Lewis cannot restrain himself from questioning Bankman-Fried’s wisdom in paying Shark Tank’s Kevin O’Leary $15.7 million for “twenty service hours, twenty social posts, one virtual lunch and fifty autographs” to promote FTX. After the crypto exchange’s collapse, he wonders about the missing billions but can’t stop himself from blurting out: “You paid Kevin O’Leary for virtual lunch? Seriously?”

He also refrains from delivering a verdict on effective altruism, or EA, a philosophical movement that has suffered from becoming part of the SBF mythology. In its best form, effective altruism is a doctrine that brings rigor and accountability to charitable donations. (Mosquito nets for malarial regions: good. Vast bureaucratic NGOs: bad.) Bankman-Fried was a zealous apostle for the cause; several times in the book, he claims to be making billions from crypto only so that he can give it away. But instead of saving lives that already exist, the proponents of EA soon become obsessed with future generations as yet unborn. They worry about artificial intelligence and climate collapse and asteroid strikes (at least until they do the math on the last of these and discover they are extremely unlikely). These sections of Going Infinite radiate doomsday-cult vibes. But Lewis withholds judgment, even when SBF and friends are shown fretting about the end of the world while their own company slides toward oblivion.

His wry, amused, noninterventionist approach is a high-risk one. Ahead of publication, the author told The Guardian that he was aware of something “in the air—around Walter Isaacson’s book [on Elon Musk] and probably around mine—this kind of suspicion-slash-hostility towards the journalist who really gets to know their subject, that it’s access journalism, or you got too close or whatever.”

The central question of Going Infinite is about naivete—was Sam Bankman-Fried a knowing huckster, or was he a dewy-eyed innocent circled by sharks? (For what it’s worth, the takeaway should be the same: We need banking regulations to protect us from idiots and criminals.) Lewis is Team Dewy-Eyed Innocent; he doubts that the Alameda arrangement was a deliberate fraud, and bolsters his case by noting that millions keep turning up, of which SBF and friends have simply lost track. But that makes you wonder whether Lewis, too, has been naive. His story rests on a bedrock of “No one saw this coming,” when the reality is that plenty of people did.

At the end of last year—right when FTX was collapsing—I made a documentary about the quasi-religious overtones of crypto. For some of those I interviewed, the implosion of Bankman-Fried’s empire felt like a vindication. For months, skeptics had been warning that crypto’s unregulated markets, which asked investors to put faith in digital tokens often traded in financially opaque tax havens, just might have some problems. (The crypto boom arose in response to the 2008 financial crisis, and a feeling of mistrust with conventional banking. But the big banks got a government bailout when they overreached. No one would come to save crypto.) Opposing these naysayers, however, were legions of influencers telling anyone who would listen that crypto was the future of finance—open, democratic, free from government control.

The boosters were persuasive, because, initially, the numbers did go up. Five years ago, a single Bitcoin cost about $6,000. By the fall of 2021, it was worth 10 times that. As more and more regular folks bought into Bitcoin and other tokens, their prices soared—and some of that money went straight back into convincing even more people to believe the hype. Remember last year’s Super Bowl? Every other advert was for crypto, including one from FTX that starred Larry David.

At the same time, many mainstream journalists—arts graduates who didn’t understand phrases such as DeFi and WAGMI but could smell a money geyser when it was raining celebrities on them—wrote articles about SBF that didn’t trouble themselves with the sustainability or legality of what he was doing. At one point in Going Infinite, Bankman-Fried’s media handler gives him a note reading: “You can’t avoid the Financial Times guy but be very cautious around anyone from the Financial Times because the Financial Times is very anti-crypto.” (In other words: The Financial Times guy is numerate. Beware.) Lewis documents this reputation-laundering process in gory detail. Something is grubby and déclassé … until it succeeds so extraordinarily that it becomes easier to pretend that it is and always has been respectable. See also: Donald Trump.

Today, after a series of crypto hacks and collapses, the skeptics want justice—or maybe revenge. It was no fun to be a Cassandra, delivering prophecies of doom while all around you, soon-to-be-penniless idiots gloated about their Dogecoin gains. Going Infinite has therefore attracted critical reviews from prominent cryptoskeptics such as Molly White, who was interviewed for it, and Coffeezilla, the scourge of crypto scammers. (Isn’t it pleasing that mavericks working outside the system are now providing a huge challenge to a Michael Lewis narrative?)

[Read: Sam Bankman-Fried’s alleged crimes have real victims]

That said, even less engaged readers will approach this book with the obvious question: Was FTX always going to fail? For me, that question was answered on page 174, when Bankman-Fried wonders what to do with all his billions and considers “Anthony Scaramucci’s investment firm, SkyBridge.” The Mooch! Of course! What is it about giving money to a man who lasted only 11 days as Donald Trump’s press secretary before being fired for calling up a reporter and shooting his mouth off that doesn’t scream “I have great judgment”? This entire period, with SBF in his imperial pomp, had more red flags than a Chinese Communist rally. In an April 2022 podcast, Bloomberg’s Matt Levine characterized Bankman-Fried’s own explanation of his strategy back to him like this: “You’re just like, ‘Well, I’m in the Ponzi business, and it’s pretty good.’”

Lewis does not include this exchange in the book, however, and instead writes: “As late as the final days of October 2022, you could have ransacked the jungle huts until you were blue in the face and have had not the faintest sense that anything was amiss.”

Believe me, I didn’t approach this project expecting to review the concept of Michael Lewis as well as the text of Going Infinite. But it is unavoidable, because Lewis is not just any journalist. He is a $10-a-word superstar from the generation before clickbait and aggregation. Today, although his books are still best-sellers, his cool, omniscient style is out of step in the age of the first-person industrial complex. Worse, his fame and success make him a one-man Hawthorne effect: He changes situations simply by being present. People are clearly flattered to be the subjects of a Michael Lewis book—just as Walter Isaacson presumably snared Musk and Steve Jobs by pointing out that his previous biographies were of Leonardo da Vinci and Albert Einstein.

Potential subjects might also be flattered by … well, literal flattery. In May 2022—well into the reporting for the book, five months before the FTX collapse, and not long after Matt Levine openly used the words Ponzi business in relation to crypto—Lewis interviewed Bankman-Fried onstage at a conference in the Bahamas. This incident doesn’t appear in Going Infinite, but it does feature in another new book on crypto. In Number Go Up, the much more cryptoskeptic reporter Zeke Faux records Lewis asking “questions that were so fawning they seemed inappropriate for a journalist.” (Lewis later confirmed to Faux that he was not paid to appear at the conference—unlike Bill Clinton, who took home a reported $250,000 for sharing the stage with SBF.) “You look at the existing financial system, then you look at what’s been built outside the existing financial system by crypto, and the crypto version is better,” Lewis said. “It eliminates all kinds of rents, but the people who get those rents are really pissed off at the idea of having them taken away.” That must have been music to Bankman-Fried’s ears; he was a lone wizard disrupting a sclerotic set of vested interests.

Lewis’s stellar reputation is so distorting that his fame and success rub off on his interviewees—they get showered with press attention and portrayed on film by Brad Pitt or Christian Bale, as well as entering one of the world’s most exclusive clubs. The writer Samanth Subramanian described the constellation of financial whiz kids, sports analysts, and star scientists that populate the books as “the Michael Lewis ecosystem—a rarefied, overwhelmingly male network within American society.”

Lewis’s work contributes to something of a genius-making industry, a silent and mutually beneficial transaction between anointer and anointed in which certain people are exalted. He is right to think that this book will see him bracketed alongside Isaacson’s portraits of greatness, and many now find the whole project biased and undemocratic. Last month, one of Rolling Stone’s founding editors, Jann Wenner, declared that no women or people of color were “masters” of music who merited the honor of being included in his book of collected interviews. Stevie Wonder and Joni Mitchell, he claimed, were not as “articulate” or philosophical as Bono and Mick Jagger. Wenner lost his seat on the board of the Rock and Roll Hame of Fame in the backlash to those comments.

This rebellious mood has colored the reception of Lewis’s work. A few weeks before Going Infinite was published, Michael Oher—who was the subject of Lewis’s 2006 book, The Blind Side, which became a film starring Sandra Bullock—filed a lawsuit alleging, essentially, that Lewis had gotten his story all wrong. The white family who took Oher in, the Tuohys, was not the savior of a poor Black kid who needed to go to college to fulfill his promise as a football player, he claimed. Instead the family exploited him through a conservatorship. (The Tuohys agreed to dissolve the conservatorship but denied Oher’s claim that they “saw the Petitioner as a gullible young man whose athletic talent could be exploited for their own benefit.”)

When asked about the lawsuit, Lewis inflamed the situation by suggesting that Oher had changed from the quiet striver he had known. “This is what happens to football players who get hit in the head: they run into problems with violence and aggression.”

Could Michael Lewis really not have seen FTX for what it was right until the end? I guess this is my own prejudice showing, but I find it hard to believe that a writer as smart as he is—his 2016 work, The Undoing Project, about the birth of behavioral economics, is one of my favorite nonfiction books—could be so blinkered. And the evidence points both ways. In April 2022, for example, while claiming not to see any problems with FTX, Lewis was nonetheless asking its senior executives to do a “pre-mortem” on it: “Imagine we’re in the future and your company has collapsed: tell me how it happened.”

That’s faux naivete to draw out your interviewees, surely, but elsewhere I detected the real thing. Describing his first meeting with the young billionaire, Lewis uncritically relays Bankman-Fried’s view that his parents “were law professors at Stanford who had basically zero interest in money and were bewildered by what had become of their son.” As a reader, you nod along: tweedy professors with elbow patches and push-bikes, yada yada. I know the type. But then you read the bankruptcy documents, which claim that Bankman-Fried hired his father as an adviser on a promised salary of $1 million. When a paycheck arrived for a fifth of that, his dad emailed him to remonstrate: “Gee, Sam I don’t know what to say here. This is the first [I] have heard of the 200K a year salary! Putting Barbara on this.” (Barbara, remember, is SBF’s mom.) This side of the family is absent from Lewis’s narrative. In their place are a couple of austere eggheads straight out of central casting.

This is the danger of “story”—what Joan Didion and Janet Malcolm, in their different ways, warned us not to trust. Of course Sam Bankman-Fried, the human automaton, would have eccentric academics for parents. And so Joseph Bankman can fly on private jets, stay in $1,200-a-night hotels, and write emails complaining that $200,000 a year isn’t enough for his nepo-dad non-job … and still get described as having “basically zero interest in money.”

That same story demands that Sam Bankman-Fried must be a visionary with no time for the little details rather than, say, a straightforward crook. For Lewis, taking this position is a bet as risky as anything dreamed up by an overexcitable crypto day trader. (He notes that the American courts rarely acquit in cases like this, even as he yearns for the whole thing to be a giant misunderstanding.) The voices of those burned by the FTX collapse, meanwhile, are notably absent from the narrative. A thousand tiny tragedies—a college fund vanished, retirement savings gone—are left unmourned.

Once you accept the limitations of Lewis’s approach, however, you are free to enjoy its pleasures. He remains the greatest living exponent of the plain style in reporting. Each word might be worth $10, but he studiously avoids $10 words. His eye for detail is unsurpassed: A 2,000-pound, 14-inch cube of tungsten, an incredibly dense metal, is ordered as the centerpiece of the Bahamas office. “Rising from the sea of abstraction, the earth’s most concrete object,” he writes. Celebrities are wooed, jungles are cleared, gambling is a metaphor for everything. The precise descriptions of FTX’s organizational structure and its sailor-on-shore-leave approach to cost control leave you wondering how it didn’t collapse earlier. And as a chronicle of collective delusion—a modern version of the Dutch tulip mania—Going Infinite is an instant classic. I can’t think of many images as haunting as the one Lewis sketches of overgrown adolescents playing Storybook Brawl and writing one another relationship memos in the middle of a paradise that they never see because they are too busy looking at ones and zeros on a screen.

And if this is an example of the “Great Man” theory of history, then rarely has the Great Man seemed so empty. “In a lot of ways I don’t really have a soul,” Bankman-Fried writes to his on-off secret girlfriend at one point. “I don’t feel happiness.” As a protagonist, he is antic, perplexing, gifted, dumb. (When you’re sure that you’re smarter than everyone else, you can do things that are indeed very stupid.) He moves through the world like a magnet through iron filings. People are drawn to him; they mythologize him; they love him even as he insists that he can’t love them back. Michael Lewis deserves huge credit for capturing him in all his infinite weirdness.

Naive or knowing, innocent or guilty, Sam Bankman-Fried the man became SBF the icon because of people and structures that have survived the FTX crash with barely a scratch. Mark Zuckerberg, another boy genius in ratty shoes, once described Twitter as a clown car that fell into a gold mine. Sam Bankman-Fried was a Seth Rogen character who fell into a tulip field circa 1634. Another one will be along in a minute. We never learn.

The World Needs a Unified and Resolute America

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › newsletters › archive › 2023 › 10 › israel-ukraine-wars-america-gop › 675604

This story seems to be about:

This is an edition of The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here.

The rest of the planet does not pause while Washington sorts out its internal food fights. Republicans—and other Americans—need to put aside their childish squabbles.

First, here are three new stories from The Atlantic:

The Kamala Harris problem Israel’s two reckonings “We’re going to die here.”

Childish Squabbles

Two years ago, I wrote my first newsletter for The Atlantic, in which I worried that the United States was “no longer a serious country.”

Of course, we’re still a powerful country … But when it comes to seriousness—the invaluable discipline and maturity that allows us to discern matters that should transcend self-interest, to set aside churlish ego and emotionalism, and to act with prudence and self-restraint—we’re a weak, impoverished backwater.

When I wrote those words, the world was emerging from a pandemic, but many Americans were still refusing vaccines; Congress was bickering over infrastructure; Russia was occupying Crimea. Joe Biden had been elected president, but as I said at the time, “one president can’t sober up an entire nation.” I was, to say the least, pessimistic about the American future.

Today, the situation is even more dire. The Russians continue an all-out war of conquest in the middle of Europe, a conflict that could engulf the planet if the cowards in the Kremlin remain mired in their imperial delusions. Thousands are dying in Armenia and Sudan. And now Israel is at war, after suffering its worst surprise attack since the Yom Kippur War 50 years ago and with more Israeli citizens killed in a single day than ever in its history.

And yet much of America, and especially the remnants of the Republican Party (a party whose leaders during the Cold War defined themselves as the responsible stewards of U.S. foreign policy), remains in the grip of childish, even inane, politics. The international community in this difficult time needs a United States that is sane, tough, and principled; worthy of the title of leader of the free world; and determined, in the words of President John F. Kennedy, to “pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.”

Instead of Kennedy’s inspiring vision, America has the ignorant and incoherent Donald Trump as an apparent lock to capture the eventual GOP presidential nomination, the House of Representatives without a speaker, and a public that cannot find Ukraine or Iran on a map.

“I look at the world and all the threats that are out there,” Representative Michael McCaul of Texas, chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said on Sunday. “And what kind of message are we sending to our adversaries when we can’t govern? When we’re dysfunctional? When we don’t even have a speaker of the House?”

An excellent question, especially when the People’s House lacks a speaker because of a motion from Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida—an utterly unserious man who is despised even by other House Republicans. Backed by seven right-wing GOP extremists, Gaetz and this “chaos caucus” (to use Mike Pence’s description) notched a historical first by enabling the vote that tossed Representative Kevin McCarthy of California out of the job. (For some reason, the CBS show Face the Nation felt the need to interview one of the anti-McCarthy group, Nancy Mace, the day after war erupted in Israel—thus providing Mace with exactly the sort of attention she was likely hoping to garner.) At this point, the two main contenders for the post are Representatives Steve Scalise of Louisiana and Jim Jordan of Ohio.

The idea that someone as ridiculous as Jim Jordan could be in contention to lead the House should make every American pause and wonder how the United States has come to such a moment. Jordan is among Donald Trump’s most loyal supporters—Trump has already endorsed him for the speaker’s job—and one of the most cynical and huckstering members of Congress from either party. Jordan, on many issues (and especially when backing Trump’s preposterous claims about presidential power), is merely an annoying, gish-galloping gadfly.

But on the central issue of American democracy, he is much more dangerous.

Jordan was a consistent and vocal supporter of Trump’s claims of a stolen election. He usually couched this support in a “just asking questions” ploy, but occasionally the mask would slip and he would charge the Democrats with attempting to steal the election. As Thomas Joscelyn, one of the authors of the House’s January 6–committee report, told CNN: “Jim Jordan was deeply involved in Donald Trump’s antidemocratic efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election.” Jordan refused to cooperate with the committee and defied its subpoena.

Jordan yesterday threatened another attempt to shut down the government (this time over immigration policies). But more to the point, how can the United States respond as one nation to the various crises around the world when the speaker of the House is an election denier spewing conspiracy theories about the current president? This is the man who could be wielding the speaker’s gavel when Congress receives the electoral votes in the 2024 election?

Scalise, the current majority leader, is as close to a “normal” candidate as the Republicans can produce, and he is likely in the lead for the job. That’s the good news. The bad news is that “normal” in this context means that Scalise is just another mainstream GOP figure calling for defunding “87,000 new IRS agents,” establishing “a committee on the weaponization of the federal government against citizens,” and holding “woke prosecutors accountable.”

The situation is no better over in the usually more staid and thoughtful U.S. Senate. As conflicts erupt around the world, hundreds of military promotions, including the chief of naval operations and many other senior appointments, remain frozen. They are being held up by Tommy Tuberville, a former Alabama college football coach who thinks U.S. servicepeople should be denied access to abortion and decries what he thinks is too much “wokeness” in the military. (Woke is now Republican speak for anyone who isn’t an obvious bigot.)

Meanwhile, the United States has been unable to send ambassadors to several nations, in part because of irresponsible holds placed by irresponsible senators. Senator J. D. Vance of Ohio, like Tuberville, appears to have held up posts over “wokeness,” while Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky has blocked appointments over his unhinged insistence on seeing what he thinks are nefarious U.S. government documents regarding the coronavirus’s origins.

And in a juvenile attempt to turn the war in Israel into yet another GOP weapon against U.S. support for Ukraine, Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri yesterday tweeted: “Israel is facing existential threat. Any funding for Ukraine should be redirected to Israel immediately.” Hawley, like Vance and others, is a smart man who disrespects his voters by pretending to be stupid. He almost certainly knows—one would hope, anyway—that pitting Israel against Ukraine is a false choice. (It also fudges the two situations: Israel has regained some control of the situation, for now, while Ukraine remains mired in a huge conventional war against a giant, nuclear-armed enemy.)

The old saw about partisanship ending at the water’s edge was never completely true. The right and the left in the United States have argued plenty about foreign policy, but they once did so with a seriousness of purpose and an understanding that millions of lives, the security of the nation—and in the final analysis, the survival of humanity—were at risk. If any adults remain in the GOP, they need to get control of their party and get to work.

President Biden’s foreign-policy leadership, especially with a Russian war so close to NATO’s borders, has been admirable and successful. But he cannot, and should not, do it alone. The world needs America—and that means all of us.

Related:

Biden will be guided by his Zionism. This war isn’t like Israel’s earlier wars.

Today’s News

Israel responded to Hamas’s brutal weekend attack by launching fierce air strikes on the Gaza Strip. Robert F. Kennedy Jr. will run as an independent in the 2024 presidential election, abandoning his Democratic bid. A person who crashed a car into the Chinese consulate in San Francisco was shot and killed by police.

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P.S.

I’m not the kind of guy to say “I told you so,” but … oh, who am I kidding, of course I am. Back in 2022, I wrote about the James Bond film franchise, and I said that all the talk of casting a Black or female 007 was just silly. Bond, created by Ian Fleming, is forever frozen in time as an aspiring white male elitist of the old British establishment. In the books and the better entries in the films, he’s a hero you can admire only with serious reservations.

With the exception of Skyfall, I didn’t much care for the Daniel Craig movies; they were too emotional and introspective. (I won’t ruin Spectre for you, but when the movie revealed a twist involving the iconic villain Blofeld, I nearly walked out.) And so I’m gloating a bit now: The Bond rumor mill says that Christopher Nolan is in talks with EON Productions and Amazon to direct two Bond films. But he reportedly wants them to be period pieces that stay close to Fleming’s source materials, which would be pretty daring. (If you think the 1973 Live and Let Die movie was racist and offensive, wait’ll you read the 1954 novel—if you can find one that hasn’t been bowdlerized yet.)

If the rumors are true, then good for you, Mr. Nolan. Bond doesn’t need to be drinking beer and sharing his feelings. He needs to be saving England, the Empire, and the world, probably in that order. The last few Bond films were just British-accented Bourne movies. Let Bond be Bond—including the parts we don’t like in 2023.

— Tom

Katherine Hu contributed to this newsletter.

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