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‘If I Knew Then What I Know Now’

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › ideas › archive › 2023 › 10 › jenna-ellis-guilty-plea-trump-fulton-county › 675754

The symmetry is striking: two lawyers, two different eras of Donald Trump’s career, and two courtrooms in different regions of the country. The lessons from Jenna Ellis and Michael Cohen, however, are the same. Loyalty to Trump is seldom returned, with disastrous results for those who offer it.

In an Atlanta courtroom today, Jenna Ellis, a former attorney for Trump, pleaded guilty to a single felony count of aiding and abetting false statements. She agreed to five years’ probation and will pay restitution and testify in future cases. Ellis is the third lawyer—following Sidney Powell and Kenneth Chesebro—to plead guilty in the past week as part of the wide-reaching racketeering case over attempts to subvert the 2020 presidential election. But she is the first to make a statement in court as she entered her plea, and what she said was revealing.

“As an attorney who is also a Christian, I take my responsibilities as a lawyer very seriously and I endeavor to be a person of sound moral and ethical character in all of my dealings,” she said, her voice breaking with emotion. “If I knew then what I know now, I would have declined to represent Donald Trump in these post-election challenges. I look back on this whole experience with deep remorse.”

[David A. Graham: Another domino falls in Georgia]

Also earlier today, 750 miles north, in Manhattan, Michael Cohen was testifying as the star witness for the New York attorney general’s office in a civil fraud lawsuit against Trump. Like Ellis, Cohen worked as a lawyer for Trump, engaging in actions on the fringes of the law; like Ellis, he is now a convicted felon.

Ellis’s remarks today echoed what Cohen told the House Oversight Committee in February 2019: “I regret the day I said ‘yes’ to Mr. Trump. I regret all the help and support I gave him along the way. I am ashamed of my own failings, and I publicly accepted responsibility for them by pleading guilty in the Southern District of New York.”

If Ellis and Cohen are not in good company, they are at least in big company. Over the years, many people have agreed to work for Trump and put their reputations, to say nothing of criminal records, on the line for him. The former president demands near-total fealty, browbeating and punishing allies for any deviations. (Just ask Representative Tom Emmer, who became the GOP’s latest nominee for speaker of the House today, and then almost immediately became the former nominee, after Trump blasted him on his social-media site.) But when these loyal lieutenants need the favor repaid, Trump ghosts them.

[David A. Graham: The cases against Donald Trump—a guide]

This one-way loyalty has burned boldface names and relative nobodies alike. Many of the people who served in Trump’s administration or served as his allies in Congress have found themselves diminished and sometimes legally ensnared. Many of the people convicted for their participation in the January 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol have expressed anger at Trump and said they felt hoodwinked by him. He has floated the idea of pardoning them if he regains the presidency. Even if he wins, they should know that his track record of following through is bad.

Trump tried to publicly intimidate Cohen into friendly testimony, but didn’t offer a federal pardon that would have prevented a conviction or spared his former fixer prison time. In Ellis’s case, she complained that Trump wasn’t doing much to help her raise funds for her legal defense, even though she was being targeted for working on his behalf. “I simply can’t support him for elected office again,” Ellis said on her podcast last month. “Why I have chosen to distance is because of that frankly malignant narcissistic tendency to simply say that he’s never done anything wrong.”

Ellis’s plea deal appears to be especially bad news for Rudy Giuliani, yet another former attorney who debased himself on Trump’s behalf and was then charged in Fulton County. Ellis worked closely with Giuliani, and though she did not mention him by name in her statement in court, she pointedly said she had relied on the wisdom of more experienced attorneys—a possible preview of testimony incriminating Giuliani for his role in the election-subversion push.

[Mark Leibovich: The most pathetic men in America]

Giuliani, ironically enough, has experienced some of the same abandonment that stung Ellis. Giuliani has begged the former president for legal assistance as well as millions in payment for legal services rendered as part of the election schemes, according to The New York Times: “Among those who remain close to Mr. Giuliani, there is bafflement, concern and frustration that the former mayor, who encouraged Mr. Trump to declare victory on election night before all the votes were counted, has received little financial help.” Trump has since agreed to hold a pair of fundraisers on Giuliani’s behalf, but the amounts raised still seem to pale against both what Giuliani believes he is owed by Trump and what he owes to his own lawyers.

The mystery is why people keep agreeing to work for Trump despite the hazards. Cohen at least got rich out of his long employment with Trump. What Ellis thought she was getting is less clear, other than public attention that was tainted with ridicule from the start. Trump does occasionally bestow favors on those who jump on grenades for him. Some of the aides who waded most deeply in the muck for Trump received presidential pardons, including Paul Manafort, Michael Flynn, Roger Stone, and Steve Bannon.

But these are exceptions. More often, even those who place themselves in grave legal or reputational danger end up facing it alone. “I failed to do my due diligence,” Ellis said today of her legal work for Trump in 2020. She could just as easily have been talking about the personal risks she took when she chose to work for him—despite ample warning about how things were likely to turn out.

The New Big Tech

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › technology › archive › 2023 › 10 › big-ai-silicon-valley-dominance › 675752

Just about everything you do on the internet is filtered through a handful of tech companies. Google is synonymous with search, Amazon with shopping; much of that happens on phones made by Apple. You might not always know when you’re interacting with the tech giants. Google and Meta alone capture something like half of online ad revenue in the United States. Movies, music, workplace software, and government benefits are all hosted on Big Tech’s data servers.

Big Tech’s stranglehold has lasted for so long that, even with recent antitrust lawsuits and whistleblower exposés, it’s difficult to imagine a world in which these companies are not so dominant. But the craze over generative AI is raising that very possibility. OpenAI, a start-up with only a few hundred employees, kicked off the generative-AI boom with ChatGPT last November and, almost a year later, is still making fools of trillion-dollar rivals. In an age when AI promises to transform everything, new companies are hurtling forward, and some of the behemoths are struggling to keep up. “We’re at one of these moments that could be a succession moment” for the tech industry, Tim Wu, a professor at Columbia Law School who helped design the Biden administration’s antitrust and tech policy, told me.

Succession is hardly guaranteed, but a post–Big Tech world might not herald actual competition so much as a Silicon Valley dominated by another slate of fantastically large and powerful companies, some old and some new. Big Tech has wormed it way into every corner of our lives; now Big AI could be about to do the same.

Chatbots and their ilk are still in their early stages, but everything in the world of AI is already converging around just four companies. You could refer to them by the acronym GOMA: Google, OpenAI, Microsoft, and Anthropic. Shortly after OpenAI released ChatGPT last year, Microsoft poured $10 billion into the start-up and shoved OpenAI-based chatbots into its search engine, Bing. Not to be outdone, Google announced that more AI features were coming to Search, Maps, Docs, and more, and introduced Bard, its own rival chatbot. Microsoft and Google are now in a race to integrate generative AI into just about everything. Meanwhile, Anthropic, a start-up launched by former OpenAI employees, has raised billions of dollars in its own right, including from Google. Companies such as Slack, Expedia, Khan Academy, Salesforce, and Bain are integrating ChatGPT into their products; many others are using Anthropic’s chatbot, Claude.

Executives from GOMA have also met with leaders and officials around the world to shape the future of AI’s deployment and regulation. The four have overlapping but separate proposals for AI safety and regulation, but they have joined together to create the Frontier Model Forum, a consortium whose stated mission is to protect against the supposed world-ending dangers posed by terrifyingly capable models that do not yet exist but, it warns, are right around the corner. That existential language—about bioweapons and nuclear robots—has since migrated its way into all sorts of government proposals and language. If AI is truly reshaping the world, these companies are the sculptors.

Some of Big Tech’s old guard, meanwhile, haven’t been at the forefront of AI and are scrambling to get there. Apple has moved slowly on developing or incorporating generative AI, with one of its flashiest AI announcements centered on the mundane autocorrect. Siri remains the same old Siri. Amazon doesn’t have a salient language model and took almost a year to begin backing a major AI start-up in Anthropic; Meta’s premier language model is free to use, perhaps as a way to dissuade people from paying for OpenAI products. The company’s AI division is robust, but as a whole, Meta continues to lurch between social media, the metaverse, and chatbots.

Despite the large number of start-ups unleashed by the AI frenzy, the big four are already amassing technical and business advantages that are starting to look a lot like those of the current tech behemoths. Search, e-commerce, and the other Big Tech kingdoms were “prone towards tipping to just one or two dominant firms,” Charlotte Slaiman, the vice president of the nonprofit Public Knowledge, told me. “And I fear that AI may be like that as well.” Running a generative AI model such as ChatGPT comes at an “eye-watering” cost, in the words of OpenAI CEO Sam Altman, because the most advanced software requires a huge amount of computing power. One analysis estimated that Altman’s chatbot costs $700,000 a day to run, which OpenAI would not confirm or deny. A conversation with Bard could cost 10 times more than a Google Search, according to Alphabet Chairman John Hennessy (other estimates are much higher).

Those computing and financial costs mean that companies that have already built huge amounts of cloud services, such as Google and Microsoft, or start-ups closely partnered with them, such as Anthropic and OpenAI, might be uncatchable in the AI race. In addition to raw computing power, creating these programs also demands a huge amount of training data, and these companies have a big head start in collecting them: Every chat with GPT-4 might be fodder for GPT-5. “There’s a lot of potential for anticompetitive conduct or just natural business-model pressures” to crowd out competition, Adam Conner, the vice president of technology policy at the Center for American Progress, a left-of-center think tank, told me.

These companies’ access to Washington, D.C., might also help lock in their competitive advantage. Framing their technology as powerful enough to end civilization has turned out to be perversely fantastic PR, allowing GOMA to present itself as trustworthy and steer conversations around AI regulation. “I don’t think we’ve ever seen this particular brand of corporate policy posturing as public relations,” Amba Kak, the executive director of the AI Now Institute and a former adviser on AI at the Federal Trade Commission, told me. If regulators continue to listen, America’s AI policy could functionally amount to Big AI regulating itself.

For their part, the four GOMA companies have provided various visions for a healthy AI industry. A spokesperson from Google noted the company’s support for a competitive AI environment, including the large and diverse set of third-party and open-source programs offered on Google Cloud, as well as the company’s partnerships with numerous AI start-ups. Kayla Wood, a spokesperson for OpenAI, pointed me to a blog post in which the company states that it supports start-up and open-source AI projects that don’t pose “existential risk.” Katie Lowry, a spokesperson for Microsoft, told me that the company has said that AI companies choose Microsoft’s cloud services “to enable AI innovation,” and the company’s CEO, Satya Nadella, has framed Bing as a challenger of Google’s dominance. Anthropic, which did not respond to multiple requests for comment, might be better known for its calls to develop trustworthy models than for an actual product.

A scenario which Big AI dislodges, or at least unsettles, Big Tech is far from preordained. Exactly where the tech industry and the internet are headed will be hard to discern until it becomes clearer exactly what AI can do, and exactly how it will make money. If AI ends up being nothing more than empty hype, Big AI may not be that big at all. Still, the most successful chatbots are, at least for now, built on top of the data and computing infrastructure that existing Silicon Valley giants have been constructing for years. “There is no AI today without Big Tech,” Kak said. Microsoft, Google, and Amazon control some two-thirds of cloud-computing resources around the world, and Meta has its own formidable network of data centers.

Even if their own programs don’t take off, then, Amazon and Meta are still likely to prosper in a world of generative AI as a result of their large cloud-computing services. Those data centers may also tip the power balance among Big AI toward Microsoft and Google and away from the start-ups. Even if OpenAI or Anthropic find unbelievable success, if their chatbots run on Microsoft’s and Amazon’s cloud services, then Microsoft and Amazon will profit. “It’s hard for me to see any Big Tech companies being dislodged,” Conner said. And if people talk to those chatbots on an iPhone, then Apple isn’t going anywhere either.

Then again, the social-media landscape had its dominant players in the mid-2000s, and instead, Facebook conquered all. Yahoo predated Google by years. Certainly, in the 1980s, nobody thought that some college dropouts could beat IBM in personal computing, yet Apple did just that. “If you bet against the online bookstore, you made the wrong bet,” Wu said, later adding, “Taking a look at the necessary scale now and extrapolating that into the future is a very common error.” More efficient programs, better computers, or efforts to build new data centers could make newer AI companies less dependent on existing cloud computing, for instance. Already, there are whispers that OpenAI is exploring making its own, specialized computer chips for AI. And other start-ups and open-source software, such as from MosaicML and Stability AI, could very well find rapid success and reconfigure the makeup of Big AI as it currently stands.

More likely is not a future in which Big AI takes over the internet entirely or one in which Big Tech sets itself up for another decade of rule, but a future in which they coexist: Google, Amazon, Apple, and the rest of the old guard continue to dominate search and shopping and smartphones and cloud computing, while a related set of companies control the chatbots and other AI models weaving their way into how we purchase, socialize, learn, work, and entertain ourselves. Microsoft offers a lesson in how flexible a tech giant can be: After massive success in the dot-com era, the company fell behind in the age of Apple and Google; it reinvented itself in the 2010s and is now riding the AI wave.

If GOMA has its way, perhaps one day Bing will make your travel plans and suggest convenient restaurants; ChatGPT will do your taxes and give medical advice; Claude will tutor your children; Bard will do your Christmas shopping. A Microsoft or OpenAI AI assistant will have helped code the apps you use for everything, and DALL-E will have helped animate your favorite television show. And all of that will happen via Google Chrome or Safari, on a physical MacBook or a Microsoft Surface or an Android purchased on Amazon. Somehow, Big Tech might be just emerging from its infancy.

A Humanist Manifesto

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › ideas › archive › 2023 › 10 › humanism-skills-for-better-society-world › 675745

One evening not long ago, I was doomscrolling on social media, wading through the detritus of our present moment: Videos of terrorists in Israel decapitating a man with a garden hoe. A clip of Donald Trump being cruel and narcissistic. Footage of mobs physically assaulting some lone stranger they disagree with, pummeling him as he lies prone on the ground.

These are all products of the rising tide of dehumanization that has swept across the world. The famous dates of our century point to this great unfolding of barbarism—September 11, 2001; January 6, 2021; October 7, 2023. The causes of this rising culture of dehumanization are almost too many to count: tribalism, racism, ideological dogmatism, social media. All this amounts to the steady evisceration of the moral norms that can make our planet a decent place to live—and their gradual substitution with distrust, aggression, and rage. Dehumanization is any way of seeing and acting that covers the human face, that refuses to recognize and respect the full dignity of each person.

Then, as I was scrolling, I came upon a short video of an interview that the author James Baldwin gave many decades ago. “There may not be as much humanity in the world as one would like to see, but there is some,” he said. “There is more than one would think.” He spoke with gravity and moral conviction, his eyes boring into the interviewer, who was off-camera. “Walk down the street of any city, any afternoon, and look around you,” he continued. “What you’ve got to remember is what you’re looking at is also you. Everyone you’re looking at is also you. You could be that person. You could be that monster, you could be that cop. And you have to decide for yourself not to be.”

[Adrienne LaFrance: The coming humanist renaissance]

Here, amid the corrosive flow of dehumanization, was the very image of a defiant humanist. Here was a person who had organized his life around the great humanist endeavors: To try to see others in all their complexity and depth. To try to see yourself with humility, self-awareness, and compassion. To try to act in ways that are considerate, just, and discerning. Above all, to try to see the world from another person’s point of view.

In these violent, vicious times, this humanist gospel of curiosity and respect for others may seem hopelessly woo-woo and naive. But I assure you that humanism is a hardheaded and practical way of being. The ability to understand the people you’re dealing with is practical. Leading with respect and curiosity is practical. Rabidly, the dehumanizers lead us down a death spiral of animosity and distrust. Bravely and effectively, the humanists try to brake that descent. At the center of every healthy family, organization, and nation is a core humanistic skill: the capacity to see others deeply, to understand them, and to make them feel seen, heard, and understood.

We sometimes talk about democracy as if it’s just about voting, and the stuff that happens in legislatures. But, at its core, liberal democracy is a series of concrete human encounters: persuasion, argument, negotiation, compromise. It’s one viewpoint encountering a bunch of other viewpoints in hopes of finding some positive way forward. For liberal democracy to function, we must be able to understand one another to some degree, to see one another’s viewpoints, to project respect across difference and disagreement. All of this requires humanistic wisdom.  

More mundanely, humanistic wisdom matters in your professional life. To work well with others, you have to show that you see them and recognize their worth. In a 2021 study, when the consulting firm McKinsey asked business executives why employees were quitting their firms, the executives said it was to make more money elsewhere. But when researchers asked the employees themselves why they quit, the most common answer was that they didn’t feel recognized and valued by their managers. They didn’t feel seen.

So how good are you at these humanist skills? Most of us are not as good as we think we are. William Ickes, a personality psychologist at the University of Texas at Arlington, has found that strangers having their first conversation read each other accurately only about 20 percent of the time—and that even friends and family read one another accurately only 35 percent of the time. Many of us spend our days awash in social ignorance. You probably didn’t need an academic study to tell you this. How often have you felt stereotyped and categorized, misheard and misunderstood? Do you really think you don’t regularly do this to others?

Why aren’t we good at seeing one another? For starters, we’re egotistical. We don’t see others because we’re too busy presenting ourselves. And some people are so narcissistically locked into their own viewpoint that they can’t be bothered to see yours. Maybe you’ve heard the story about the guy standing by a river: A woman standing on the opposite shore shouts at him, “How do I get to the other side of the river?” He bellows back, “You are on the other side of the river!”

But we can get better. How? Well, if you are a young person, take as many courses as you can in the humanities. That’s where you go to learn about people. If you can’t understand the people around you, not only will you be miserable but you will make them miserable, too.

The humanities also train people to pay close attention to one another, the way actors do. “Actors walk through life so different because we have to be an observer,” the actor Viola Davis once told an interviewer. “The way someone puts their head down if you say a certain word. And you think, ‘Why did they do that? Is it something in their past?’”

The actor Matthew McConaughey once told me something similar. When he’s trying to get into character, he said, he looks for some small gesture that epitomizes the character’s overall nature, and then he expands out from there. One character might be a “hands in his front pockets” kind of guy. He goes through life hunched over, closed in. When he takes his hands out of his pockets and tries to assert himself, he’s going to be unnatural, insecure, overly aggressive. McConaughey also tries to see every scene from his character’s point of view. A killer is not thinking, “I’m a killer.” He’s thinking, “I’m here to restore order.”

The novelist Zadie Smith has been a consummate humanist since she was a little girl. A few years ago, she wrote a piece for The New York Review of Books in which she recalled that, as a child, she was constantly imagining what it would be like to grow up in the homes of her friends. “I rarely entered a friend’s house without wondering what it might be like to never leave,” she wrote. “That is, what it would be like to be Polish or Ghanaian or Irish or Bengali, to be richer or poorer, to say these prayers or hold those politics. I was an equal-opportunity voyeur. I wanted to know what it was like to be everybody.” What a fantastic way to train yourself not just to be a novelist but to be capable of seeing others as well.

The paramount humanist goal is to learn to see people the way Rembrandt saw people. Not all of the subjects of Rembrandt’s paintings are remarkable, but as the late novelist Frederick Buechner once observed, even the plain faces “are so remarkably seen by Rembrandt that we are jolted into seeing them remarkably.” Humanism is built on this kind of reverence for the person, and on the recognition that everyone you meet is superior to you in some way. People are not problems to solve but mysteries whose depths can never fully be plumbed.

The hard sciences can tell us about our physical realities. Humanism focuses on the subjective realm—the way each person takes events and molds them into a point of view. Big data can help social scientists make generalizations about populations of people. But the humanist tries to see the subjective layer of one particular person, to understand this unique individual who, like you, is probably doing their best to see the world with more understanding, wisdom, humanity, and grace.

But how, specifically, can you understand the subjective workings of another person’s mind? Well, you don’t want to peer at them; you want to engage with them. Looking at a person is different from looking at a thing because a person is looking back at you. I’m getting to know you at the same time you’re getting to know me. To truly see someone else, you have to be willing to be seen. Thus the quintessential humanist activity is quality conversation.

How good a conversationalist are you? Again, probably not as good as you think you are. A group of people making a series of assertions at one another is not a good conversation—it’s a terrible conversation. A good conversation is an act of joint exploration. Somebody floats a half-formed idea. Somebody else seizes on the nub of the idea, plays with it, offers their own perspective based on their own memories, and floats it back so the other person can respond.

Arthur Balfour was an early-20th-century British statesman known for his skill at this kind of conversation. Balfour, his friend John Buchan observed in his autobiography, “would take the hesitating remark of a shy man and discover in it unexpected possibilities, would probe it and expand it until its author felt that he had really made some contribution to human wisdom.”

During World War I, Buchan, a Scottish novelist, would take American friends to lunch with Balfour: “I remember with what admiration I watched him feel his way with the guests, seize on some chance word and make it the pivot of speculations until the speaker was not only encouraged to give his best but that best was infinitely enlarged by his host’s contribution. Such guests would leave walking on air.”

The humanist wants his conversations to be storytelling conversations. In white-collar jobs, we spend our days in what the psychologist Jerome Bruner called “paradigmatic mode”—producing a strategy memo, or a legal brief, or a PowerPoint presentation. The language is impersonal. Paradigmatic thinking is great for understanding trends and making the case for a proposition. It is not great for getting to know a person or connecting with them. Paradigmatic mode is a way of communicating without having to expose anything real about yourself.

What’s necessary for understanding people is narrative thinking. Stories capture a person’s character and how it changes over time. Stories capture how a thousand little influences come together to shape a life, how people struggle and thrive, get knocked about by lucky and unlucky breaks. People also just speak more freely when you get them to tell stories about themselves. The journalist Kate Murphy, in her book You’re Not Listening, describes a focus-group moderator who was hired to figure out why people go to grocery stores late at night. But instead of asking that question directly, she asked people to tell her a story about the last time they went to a grocery store after 11 p.m. A shy, unassuming woman who had said little up to that point raised her hand and responded, “I had just smoked a joint and was looking for a ménage à trois—me, Ben and Jerry.” The woman didn’t just talk about grocery stores; she told a story and offered a glimpse into her life.

As we get to know one another, we should aspire to be historians of one another. Every person you meet is an accumulation of the people, choices, and events that came before them, as well as the events of their childhood and their more recent past. If we want to see someone well, we want to know about their childhood, about the institutions that formed them, about their traumas and accomplishments. In our conversations, we should be exploring the depths of one another’s histories. What happened to you in childhood that makes you still see the world from the vantage point of an outsider? What was it about your home life that makes celebrating holidays important to you? Why is asking for favors hard for you? You appear to have it all and yet feel insecure—why is that?

Emotional intelligence can be developed, like athletic ability. Yes, people are born with a certain innate temperament and capacity, but you can get more emotionally proficient with practice. The key trait of a dehumanizer is emotional crudity. A humanist, on the other hand, has learned complex emotional responses.

Consider the capacity we call empathy. Some people see empathy as a formless gush of emotion. You open your heart, and empathy pours out. In fact, empathy consists of three distinct social skills. First, mirroring—accurately reflecting the emotions of the person in front of you. Second, mentalizing—using your own similar experiences to project a theory about what the other person is going through. Third, caring. Con artists are good at understanding what’s going on in others’ minds—but we don’t call them empathetic, because they don’t care. To care, you not only have to understand another person; you also have to perform an action that will make them know you understand how they feel.

People who are truly empathetic don’t just do things that are comforting to themselves; they do the very specific things that are comforting to the person in need. Rabbi Elliot Kukla tells a story about a woman who, because of a brain injury, would sometimes fall to the floor. “I think people rush to help me up because they are so uncomfortable with seeing an adult lying on the floor,” she told Kukla. “But what I really need is for someone to get down on the ground with me.” Sometimes you just need to get down on the floor with someone.

“Every epistemology becomes an ethic,” the educator Parker J. Palmer once wrote. “The shape of our knowledge becomes the shape of our living; the relation of the knower to the known becomes the relation of the living self to the larger world.” Palmer was saying that the way we attend to others determines the kind of person we become. If we see people generously, we will become generous. If we see them coldly, we will become cold. And if we see them stupidly and viciously … well, we wind up with the world we’re living in now.

“Recognition is the first human quest,” the journalist Andy Crouch writes in his book The Life We’re Looking For. Babies come out of the womb looking for a face that will see them, know them, attend to their needs. When attention is not forthcoming, babies appear devastated. Maybe you have seen those “still face” experiments on YouTube in which researchers tell moms not to respond to their child’s bids for attention. The babies coo and cry out, but the mothers just sit there, with no expression on their face. At first, the babies are uncomfortable; then they squirm, wail, and dissolve into misery. Even at that early age, feeling unseen is an existential crisis.

The agony is the same for adults. Every society has what the philosopher Axel Honneth called a “recognition order.” In a healthy society, everybody is recognized to some degree. But in an unhealthy society, like the America of today, recognition is doled out to the few—the rich, the good-looking, the athletic, the successful. “When a society treats the mass of people in this way, singling out only a few for recognition, it creates a scarcity of respect, as though there were not enough of this precious substance to go around,” the sociologist Richard Sennett has written. When people feel ignored, they tend to lash out. They become lonely, isolated, and hypersensitive to slight. “When attention is depleted, there can be no heightened passion, no true friendship, no love,” the philosopher Talbot Brewer wrote recently in The Hedgehog Review.

The only way out is the humanist way: To create more attention. To distribute it more fairly. To shine our full attention on those in darkness—which these days is pretty much everybody.

I’m trying to hold up an ideal here, the way of the modern humanist. I’ll close with a few of my role models. One is the essayist and poet David Whyte. The ultimate touchstone of friendship “is not improvement, neither of the other nor of the self,” Whyte observes. Rather, “the ultimate touchstone is witness, the privilege of having been seen by someone and the equal privilege of being granted the sight of the essence of another, to have walked with them and to have believed in them, sometimes just to have accompanied them for however brief a span, on a journey impossible to accomplish alone.”

Another is Frederick Buechner, the novelist I quoted earlier about Rembrandt. At age 9, Buechner lost his father to suicide. He shut down emotionally, unable to confront his grief. But eventually he came to realize that the problem with shutting yourself off from the harshness of reality is that you wind up shutting yourself off from other people and the beauty of life. “What we hunger for perhaps more than anything else is to be known in our full humanness, and yet that is often just what we fear more than anything else,” he wrote in his book Telling Secrets. “It is important to tell at least from time to time the secret of who we truly and fully are … because otherwise we run the risk of losing track of who we truly and fully are and little by little come to accept instead the highly edited version which we put forth in hope that the world will find it more acceptable than the real thing. It is important to tell our secrets too because it makes it easier … for other people to tell us a secret or two of their own.”

[Read: Can humanism save us?]

Every person is sacred. Every person deserves to be seen, and given just and loving attention. We may later decide that the person we are looking at is venal or cruel or wicked—but at least we will have tried to fully understand them before making those judgments. The rot that pervades our democracy comes in large part from our failure to do this. Despite the prejudices of the postmodern ideologues, history shows us that it’s possible to enter into a compassionate understanding of people who are different from ourselves.

In our age of creeping dehumanization, humanism seems like the right banner to raise. It points us to the posture, the skills, the way of life that make us fit servants to the world—caring and effective co-workers, teachers, citizens, lovers, and friends.

This essay is drawn from David Brooks’s How to Know a Person: The Art of Seeing Others Deeply and Being Deeply Seen.

I Was a Child in a War

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › ideas › archive › 2023 › 10 › afghanistan-us-invasion-war-childhood-israel-gaza › 675721

I was born and raised in a war. I spent the first 20 years of my life in Afghanistan following the U.S. invasion. The war was always just a few months older than I was.

I have lost friends and family to war. I have seen my neighbors’ dead bodies. I know how it feels to learn that a bomb blast has damaged your school; to sleep and live with the sounds of gunshots and explosions, the sirens of ambulances and fire trucks; to suddenly flee when your neighborhood is targeted; to seek shelter when nowhere is safe.

I am far from alone in this. Children have always been victims of war—of religious conflict, armed interventions, fights between autocracies and democracies. When war comes, children suffer. That doesn’t mean we should accept their suffering as part of the cost of war. It means that their suffering is horrifyingly common.

[From the September 2022 issue: I smuggled my laptop past the Taliban so I could write this story]

As a child, I was taught how to protect myself, how to find safe spots under tables when my school and home were under attack. My siblings, my friends, and I learned how to run and escape targeted zones. We learned how to protect ourselves when we didn’t have our parents and elders by our side. We knew which time of day our city might be bombed. We avoided taking certain roads, thought to be full of land mines, in the hope that we could keep all of our limbs, unlike our neighbors’ kids. We learned to cover our heads with our hands and lie down if there were explosions. We learned to stay away from the windows of our classrooms. Our day-to-day was a gamble; we had to win every day.

In 2020, Save the Children, an international humanitarian organization, reported that an average of 25 children had been killed or injured in conflicts daily during the preceding 10 years; most of them were from countries such as Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria—poor nations with broken infrastructure and health-care systems, where millions of children live in nonstandard homes or tents, or on the streets. The First and Second World Wars were devastating for children. In the conflicts of the 21st century, hundreds of thousands of children have been killed, wounded, kidnapped, beheaded, raped, recruited by armed forces, or brutally disabled, losing limbs, eyesight, hearing, skin, parts of their face. Girls, in particular, are targets for violence. Many children in war zones experience some mix of anxiety, depression, aggression, behavioral disorders, loneliness, insecurity, and psychosomatic symptoms, and engage in self-harm, according to Save the Children.

I knew war before I was 5 years old. I’ve known its horrors from as far back as I can remember. After two decades of conflict, I fled Afghanistan for America during the chaotic U.S. withdrawal, as the Taliban returned to power. Because of the way the war fell apart, I was separated from my mother, my sister, and many other family members. The trauma is still with me. Even now that I live in a much safer country, I still feel scared.

[Read: The children Russia kidnapped]

My story is the experience of millions of children subject to war. Earlier this year, the United Nations reported that 1,500 children have been killed or injured in Ukraine since Russia invaded the country last year. The Israeli government has not said exactly how many children were among the approximately 1,400 people killed by Hamas on October 7, but we know that many were among the murdered. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken described having seen images of a baby “riddled with bullets … young people burned alive in their cars or in their hideaway rooms.” And officials have said that nearly 30 Israeli children are among the more than 200 people believed to have been taken hostage in Gaza. Of the thousands of Palestinians killed so far in Israel’s retaliatory air strikes on Gaza, more than 2,000 have been children, according to officials in Gaza. Approximately half of Gaza’s more than 2 million residents are children, and many of them did not have access to basic food, water, electricity, and medicine even before the war started, because of a blockade by Israel and Egypt. Now many of them lack safe shelter too, and the humanitarian situation is only getting worse.

In the mid-20th century, international humanitarian law was put in place to protect civilians, and in particular children and women, in war. But too often, that means little. I wish there were more laws and other support systems to save children around the world who live in war zones, and the mothers, grandmothers, and sisters who are protecting them.

Children are too young to protect themselves from war. Their trauma is not an individual issue; it is society’s job to keep them safe. When children suffer, we have failed as a society. We cannot save one child by killing another.

The Republican Party’s Culture of Violence

The Atlantic

www.theatlantic.com › newsletters › archive › 2023 › 10 › republican-party-jordan-threats-violence › 675742

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The MAGA movement has been infused with violence and threats of violence for years. Those threats—now aimed at Republican lawmakers—are the new normal in the GOP.

First, here are four new stories from The Atlantic:

The hard truth about immigration A record of pure, predatory sadism Too many people own dogs. How the media got the hospital explosion wrong

Sleeping With a Gun by the Bed

The trash fire that is the Republican competition to elect the speaker of the House is entering a new phase now that Representative Jim Jordan of Ohio is out of the running. Nine men have put themselves forward; Representative Tom Emmer of Minnesota is the apparent favorite, at least for now. Of the nine, seven voted to overturn the 2020 presidential election. (Emmer and Representative Austin Scott of Georgia voted to certify the results.)

Before this contest moves into horse-race handicapping, we should revisit the astonishing stories from over the weekend about the threats made against Republican legislators during Jordan’s brief candidacy. CNN’s Jake Tapper, MSNBC’s Ali Velshi, and Aaron Blake at The Washington Post, among others, reported on these threats, but many Americans seem unable to muster more than a shrug and a kind of resigned acceptance that this is just how some Republicans are now. The only people who seem angry about this are the Republican lawmakers who, along with their families, received these threats.

Although Jordan repudiated these tactics, some of his colleagues blame him anyway, and Americans are now, as Blake wrote last week, in a “long-overdue” conversation about the role of threats in public life, one that “should include a recognition that these threats and intimidation can work, and probably have.”

That “conversation,” unfortunately, is unlikely to continue. Republicans have long feared their own voters, and have for years whispered about it among themselves. Now that Jordan has been defeated, they will likely go back to pretending that such threats are isolated incidents. But the threats during Jordan’s candidacy should confirm that Trump’s MAGA loyalists, firmly nested in the GOP, constitute a violent movement that refuses to lose any democratic contest—even to other members of its own party.

Some of these threats can be dismissed as the result of technology: The frictional costs of threatening people are basically nonexistent. Angry cranks once needed time and materials (envelopes and stamps, or at least a call to an information line) to say awful things. Today, people are surfing the internet with a smartphone—their personal secretary and valet—right by their side, so the interval between having a repulsive thought and expressing it to a target is now functionally zero.

But email and the internet, and political violence in the United States, have been around for a while. Only in the age of Trump have threats become a common part of daily American partisan politics. Almost anyone who is even remotely a public figure now gets them over almost anything, and Trump and his movement have gone quite far in killing any sense of shame for saying terrible things to other people or their families over political differences.

Not only does Trump expressly model this kind of behavior; he and his media enablers provide rationalizations for such threats. Ironically, many of these excuses were once associated with the violent far left a half-century ago: The system is rigged; democracy is a mug’s game; anyone who disagrees with you is an enemy; those in power will never give it up without being subjected to violence and intimidation. But much of it is also out of the far-right, fascist playbook: The elites are plotting against you; anyone who disagrees with you is obviously in on the plot; the only salvation is if We the People engage in violence ordained by God himself.

We’ve seen these illiberal, populist attitudes and beliefs before. What we have not seen in America until now is the capture of a major political party by this kind of paranoia and violence.

The threats around Jordan’s attempt to gain the gavel are also different because the people making them are reaching down into granular, inside-baseball GOP politics. In recent years, some MAGA adherents have made threats against their partisan opponents in order to defend Trump’s honor, or because they were convinced that the 2020 election was stolen. Now, however, the movement is turning on its own. Some people follow internal House conferences as if they are members of the caucus, and treat the election of a speaker—which is important, to be sure—as an existential battle.

Amazingly, these people made threats in support of … Jim Jordan. They are actually menacing other human beings over the ambitions of a loudmouthed, ineffectual member of Congress.

After threats over the speakership, what’s next? Death threats over who becomes deputy whip? Put the honorable Mr. Bloggs on the Rules Committee, or I’ll hurt your family? As the writer Eric Hoffer so presciently noted more than 70 years ago, decadence and boredom can be among the most useful raw materials for the construction of an authoritarian movement, and clearly, American society has plenty of both.

Many Republican legislators are scared, and they should be. Only 25 members of the House GOP conference voted against Jordan on the floor during the last round of voting. Many more opposed making him speaker; in a secret ballot, 112 of Jordan’s colleagues voted against him—which suggests that more than 80 of them feared doing so in public.

It’s not uncommon for members of Congress to vote one way among themselves and then cast a different vote on the floor, especially if the issue is one where the national party is at odds with the voters in a member’s district. Such political calculations, though sometimes distasteful, are common. But democracy cannot function if legislators feel that their lives—and those of their families—are in danger from their fellow citizens. No matter what happens with Trump and the MAGA cult, the Republican Party cannot go on this way, and some of the legislators who spoke up about threats during Jordan’s attempt to become speaker seem to know it.

What they are willing to do about it is less clear. But I wonder if the arrests and convictions for the January 6 insurrection are having their effect: One caller to a representative, after a string of f-bombs and barely veiled threats, made an effort to stipulate that he was speaking only of nonviolent harassment. Perhaps holding such people legally accountable for their actions—whether they intended violence or were just trying to throw a scare into others—might begin to reverse this trend.

Republican elected officials didn’t seem to care very much about such rhetoric when it was aimed at their opponents, and they were only briefly shaken on January 6, 2021, when a violent mob made clear that there was plenty of room reserved on the gibbet for Mike Pence and other Republican leaders. Perhaps they’ll take such threats more seriously now that their internal squabbles could lead to their wives having to sleep with a gun by the bed, but I suspect that the hyper-partisanship and stunning cowardice that brought the GOP to this moment will, as ever, win the day.

Related:

The new anarchy Only the GOP celebrates political violence.

Today’s News

Two more hostages were released by Hamas. The International Committee of the Red Cross said that it facilitated their release. The Philippines accused the Chinese coast guard of “intentionally” hitting its boats in a disputed area of the South China Sea. María Corina Machado won the Venezuelan opposition’s first presidential primary in more than a decade. If allowed to run, she will challenge President Nicolás Maduro in what he has promised will be an internationally monitored election next year.

Dispatches

Famous People: Lizzie Plaugic and Kaitlyn Tiffany try to find ghosts in Manhattan, but all they see is Anderson Cooper’s apartment.

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P.S.

A while back, I said that I would occasionally use this space to revisit some 1980s musical oddities. This week, I want to remind you how very political music videos could be in the Decade of Excess. You’ve probably seen the video for the 1986 Genesis hit “Land of Confusion,” which used Britain’s Spitting Image puppets to portray world leaders such as Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher to trippy effect. Reagan made a lot of appearances in words and images in those days, including in Sting’s “Russians,” Men at Work’s “It’s a Mistake,” and others.

But for my money, the best video with a Reagan reference was made by Frankie Goes to Hollywood. Better known for its huge dance hit “Relax,” in 1984, the band recorded “Two Tribes,” a song about nuclear war. (I wrote about MTV’s nuclear genre here.) The video features two actors, one obviously Reagan, and the other—and this is the cool trivia part—meant to be the Soviet leader Konstantin Chernenko. The two of them beat each other up until the world explodes. The end.

But wait—who? Exactly. Chernenko was leader of the U.S.S.R. for all of 13 months, mostly as a seat warmer in ill health. History has forgotten him, but thanks to a video filmed at the right moment in time, he will live on, forever headbutting Reagan and biting the American president’s ear in an eternal arena match.

— Tom

Katherine Hu contributed to this newsletter.

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